Slavoj Žižek on His Stubborn Attachment to Communism

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Prima da cominciamo, dajte-mi espressovati moja admirazione pro njega. Srečno komunista, kako Marx, kjer reka, da si mozeš imeti više od konservativa, kot Balzac, nekaj od vseh progresivistov o ekonomii. Mislim, da naši unici, naši stvarni partneri, naši stvarni leftisti danas, so modesti, inteligentni, srečni, skeptici, konservativi. Zanje, njegova rana, njegova rana, njegova rana, definition of myself. He told me that he considers me a moderate conservative communist. My gratitude to

you. I would like to pursue this theme. Thank you for your remarks. Topika je bila, zato sem še vedno komunist. Mislim, da je tudi to, kar ste razgovarjali, zato sem večkrat komunist in možete biti misljeni, da razvijate nekakšno sočalno demokracijo s boljšim poskušanjem v razvijanju temelja, ampak pripovedno pričakujemo, Počnemo samo z pravim vprašanjem. Prikazujete Čina kot največja dobrodoščina komunizma, ali je to tako dobrodoščina? Zdaj ima tukaj prekapitavnih zahodov, ki so prav tako različni kot v Meksiki, ne tako vzduštveni. Če gledate na kapitalistični Tajwan, ima prekapitavnih zahodov Franske, Single payer health insurance, gay marriage. It's a complete liberal democracy. Life there is very nice. Furthermore, the last 30 years, the air in Taiwan has become much cleaner, and the air in China has become much dirtier. So why isn't China the failure, Taiwan the success, and yes, it's a vote for capitalism, not communism?

Ah, yeah, you're really asking me a question, okay. Yes, it's a real question. Okay, okay, okay. No, no, no. First, but if you compare China, 50

annih annih, lahko,

China, 50 annih annih, lahko, lahko, China, 50 annih annih annih annih annih annih annih annih annih

annih annih annih annih annih annih annih

annih annih annih annih annih anni Today's China, the standard of living of middle classes, at least in the developed part, you know, numbers at this level don't tell a lot, but at one point I agree with you that this, in the long term, this whatever we call it, Chinese authoritarian capitalism or whatever we call it, will not work. A Čina

je stavila više milijonov ljudi v koncentracijskih kampi, svoja laborska forša sreča, svoja progrova spadnja, tako da jeste, na pravdu, komunista pro-Taiwan, moderatno pravda, tako? Ne, ali... Ok, ne, možeš

da te povzgoško odgovorim, zelo srečno? Vidim sve tvoje pomenci, zgodim se s nimi, ale moja pomenca je ta, nikomu ne, in tega želim, da te vzgoškujem, se mođe. Ok. Slišimo, da exageramo, mamo nobili, da ne potrebujemo stresiti, recite? Quanto

èilo

èilo è di fallare into questa fascinazione per catastrofica prospettiva. Recite? No, non siete adeguati. Qualcuno di voi deve. Circa 30-40 anni fa, la maggior parte d'Europa, specialmente in Germania,

I remember very well.

I remember the cover of Spiegel, they demonstrated exactly with statistics that 40-50 years after that time, today, Europe will be without forests. Čudovito čudovito čudovito Čudovito čudovito Čudovito Čudovito Čudovito Čudovito Čudovito Čudovito Čudovito Čudovito Čudovito Čudovito Čudovito Čudovito Čudovito Čudovito Čudovito Čudovito you will go to Gulag, but for different reasons. Čudovito You know why I'm glad to talk with him? In today's politically correct climate, in typical Western academic institutions, you cannot talk like that. No, seriozno, nono, nono, vedo to sve, inno da potovovim indefinitivno, kot digitalna kontrola in tako dalje. Sve so seriozne, ilo do kore smo svoje manipulirani in tako dalje. Ekologia, emigrazija, etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., I just don't share this simple optimism. Open our hearts and what? All the poor will move to Europe and whatever. etc., So how,

et very

simple question, I will try to cut myself short, how these three domains that I outlined, I think, at least in the long term, they need a more radical Qualcuno mora da succeda. Probabilno ti ne sreći. Vidiš li jih kao seriozni obzor? Sreći li ti še vedno fukuyamaisti, v sensi, da robimo samo funzionele systeme? Milo bolje. Sreći li ti to? Vremena,

ki jih razumete, so vse tako seriosne, ampak ekologija. Pripomenite komunistične države, kjer so najgoljši polizistični državi. Surveillance, najgoljši korporati. Čina, rečiš? Nekaj komunističnih držav, ampak surveillance je najgoljši v Čini. Če se bote boleli o genetičnem in inženiranju ljudi, najboljši odločnik je možda

Čina. I know it may surprise you, the exact data, I was shown by a friend in suburb of Shanghai, already clinics, sorry I will not lose too much time, this will interest you. I met years ago in Frankfurt book fair one high guy from Chinese Academy of Sciences and he gave me printed in English the short programmatic note, and it says, it shocked me, literally, the goal of biogenetics in China is to regulate physical and psychic health of the Chinese nation. They are directly doing it. What I only don't like is, don't just evoke China as this ultimate horror, we are basically doing the

same, I claim. Pogovarjam se na mojo teorijo o tebi. Slišal sem s tebi staro intervju in našel sem to sredstvo zelo razvijalno. Čakaj, čakaj, čakaj, čakaj, čakaj, čakaj, čakaj, čakaj, čakaj, Tako da je negativni pogled čakaj, čakaj, čakaj, čakaj, čakaj, čakaj na svet, v kateri si, in vidim tvojo skupnost s komunistskim znakom, kot nostalgia, kot stari stalinisti sklopi, ki ne mislite, da so boljše kot Beethoven, ampak je nekaj kot stari ljudje iz Zemlje, ki ljubijo svoje sprevald pizze, stari auto, Trabi, in komunistski znak za tebe, je kot tvoje sprevald pizze, gorki. To je kot Trabi. A začemo to nekazati in živeti srečno? Začemo to nekazati in živeti srečno? Začemo to nekazati in in živeti srečno? Začemo to nekazati in živeti srečno? Začemo to nekazati

in živeti srečno? Začemo to nekazati in živeti srečno? Začemo to nekazati in živeti srečno? Začemo to nekazati in živeti srečno? Začemo to nekazati in živeti srečno? Začemo to nekazati

in živeti srečno? and take the next step. If I were your therapist, this is what

I would be asking you to do. Okay, let's go on. I don't want to lose your time, but what really fascinates me in Stalinism is how, if you look at it closely, how fascinated Stalinism was by America, for example, do you know that that's why I like Soviet cinemas, that the absolute model of Soviet cinema was Hollywood. They had desperate plans in the 30s to build on their own version of Hollywood, how they imitated Hollywood and so on and so on. I claim that you know, even explicitly, when Stalin was asked around 1930 his definition of a Bolshevik, he said, the one which combines Русско dedикація на святову цель с американским прагматизмом, эффективностью и т.д. Но за то, что вы называете ностальгией, для меня это все равно... E'o e'o e'o e'o e'o e'o e'o e'o e'o e'o e'o e'o e'o e'o e'o e'o e'o e'o e'o e'o Gledajte na Habermas, na svojo ljubav, katera ino začelo svojo ljubav publizamati v prihodnosti 50-ti. Lidajte svojo ljubav, in ne zanimate,

ne

zanimate, da v svojo ljubav publizamate tekste, kjer je nekaj na stile komunizmu in Ost-Germania. Frankfurt School, in a strange way, almost totally, I know there is Marcuse's book, Soviet Marxism, but it's very specific, and you know what makes it so strange? The central thesis of late Frankfurt School is a dialectic of enlightenment. Horrors of 20th century, fascism, Stalinism, are not simply regressions to some dark past, they are deployment of a certain totalitarian, whatever we call them, potentials in the project of modernity itself. Okay, but isn't Stalinism a much more traumatic example of this than fascism? With fascism things are relatively simple, I think. It's a model of conservative revolution and so on and so on. Bolshevizm, kjer provalo radicale emancipazije in kada se vrnilo v traumatične nove. Idemo dnevnih teorija o stalinizmu. To mi bogoje. Nema nikakvega vrata na to. Dostanem kao evidenza, da se to ne zanima nostalgia, dostanem vrata na inno esempio. Imam toliko zgodovina. Zavolam svojimi prijateljami o življenju v armii. Poslušal sem v medne 70-te v Jugoslavskoj armii. To je bilo nekaj nebezpečnega, to znašiš. Lepo mi je, da nikada ne znamo tako mulko o ideologii, o mojo politično pravstvo. Per esempio, ne znamo, če nekateri z vami znamo, da nema tukaj v Norveji življenja militarne. Na jedno strano, Jugoslavska armija, kako in sve armije, je probabilno absolutno homofobica. Veste, veste, veste, veste, veste, veste, veste, veste, veste, veste, Crucial, absolutely crucial. The entire life was totally penetrated by homosexual innuendos and so on. In my unit we didn't say good morning, we say I'll smoke your prick, thanks, and after I finish with yours. So all these paradoxes, what fascinates me about ideology, and this is where communism interests me, is how To je zato zato Jugoslavia, ko je bilo relativno liberalno komunizmo, mi interesa. V Jugoslavijo nismo imeli svoje ideologie, self-managed socialism, I mean this literally. Slovenia was a small country, we knew everybody else. It's

sounding like more nostalgia to me. Army tales, we talked about smoking the prick, right? Okay, but the

lesson I learned there, I don't care if you call it nostalgia, the lesson I I will tell you where I see real nostalgia today. The lesson for me is how an ideology can function not only even if you don't believe in it, but it is prohibited to believe in it. To je bila ljubava paradoxa ex-Yugoslavia. Imav dva prijatelja, kore lavorovali na centralnom komitetu Slovenskogo partija. Prilagodili svojo delo, saj so bili stupni in imeli ideologiju rečenja troško seriosno. Saj, saj, saj, saj, saj, saj, saj, saj, saj, saj, saj, saj, saj, To mi je pravda nostalgia. To je to, co Fredrick Lansdorff nostalgia za present. To schizmuje ozadnje ozadnje. To ne razvija ozadnje vizualne vizualne vizualne vizualne vizualne vizualne vizualne

Torej, seveda, vizualne seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, Pogledajte seveda, seveda, seveda, seveda, napisanja, seveda, ki je imel prize na Nobelju v literaturi, seveda, Petru Handtke, seveda, ko je bil nekaj na Austrije, ampak je etnični Slovenac, ki je sempatiziral s se srbskih atrasacij. In ti si na njega zelo težki, prav tako. Ne dajte mu prostor o tem, da je to provokacija. On je tako blizu svojeg sveta, da imaš občutek, da imaš bolj absolutistični moralni standard, in želiš, da imaš svojo srbsko nostalgijo, a jaz občutim, da... Nostalgia? Za

što imam nostalgijo? Moj bo... ...to je

skupina na nazivni komunisti. Moj bo... ...moj bo... ...moj bo... ...moj ...moj bo... ...moj ...moj bo... ...moj bo...

You mean university tenure? Yes, it's

a joke, but the point is, you don't need communism. You are much smarter than communism. Let's

go step by step. First, Handke. My criticism of him was very specific, and even before he got involved into what he got involved to, I didn't like the game he played, for example. Neznačilo mi je to, da on, 30, 40 leta

temu, povzišča,

da v Ostrovi vse je komodifizirano. Vstavi si, kajne brani mleka ima ime, kajne brani mleka ima ime, kajne brani mleka ime, kajne brani mleka ima ime, kajne brani mleka ima ime, kajne brani mleka ima ime, kajne brani mleka ima ime, kajne brani mleka ima ime, kajne

brani mleka ima

ime, kajne brani mleka ima ime, Moremo kajne da si se dajno brani sodelujemo, o mleka ima com hofam, poručando termo mojeg prijatelja, njegoveg austrijskego filozofa, Robert Fahler, ime, interpassivna kajne autenticita. brani mle Veste, veste, veste, veste, veste, veste, veste, veste, veste, veste, veste, veste, To je zato, da sva bila zelo dobra, bova bila radka, da se imenuje Aslovinska Handke. V Zofaras sva bila najbolj modesta komunista. V momento, ko sva volila, da se svoje kraje se unijo z Evropskim Unijomom, sva površila svojo smrti. To je zato, možda v tekstu, kjer govorim o tisto čudovito rečenje od Gilles Deleuze, Si vuzete prid, dan le rev, de lot re vuzete futu, if you are caught into another's dream. And that's, for me, the big problem of western academic left. They are always searching for another place where things really happen. When I was young, it was Cuba. Then it was a decade ago Chavez, Venezuela and so on and so on. No, nothing great happens elsewhere and so on. And to my Serb friends, I declare that they will see if they will succeed too well, he will betray them also. They will disappoint him. You know, this is what annoys me with Chantke, if you ask me. Liste, govorim o nostalgii. Srečko, ne znam, da znaš, da znaš, da znaš, da znaš, that znaš, that znaš, that znaš, that znaš, that znaš, that znaš, nezapavljanje našeg evropskog komunizmu, nekateri z vami v tem sali. Zemljeval sem še 5 let, moral sem življati s roditeljami, that z in tako dalje, in tako dalje. Tako da sem bilo tam, ko je bilo potrebno, in tako dalje. Imam sreč, da svoja rola v tem momentu, ko si rekel, da imamo probleme, politici pravzaprav politici, da, to radimo, a Slovenija je enostavno Jugoslavija. country where nationalists never took over. That we did. I was at that time, it will shock you, member of a party called Liberal Democratic Party. And we did it. But you know what for me, again, I return to that. I appreciate what you have done

for your country, but I feel my

case is becoming stronger. You really think that with market a little bit of that, it can be there? No, we need much

more than that. We need more. I

call that more communism. You know why? People, idiots, tell me, not you. Why don't you call it socialism? Everybody is a socialist today. Bill Gates says he's a socialist and so on. It's meaningless. Socialism basically means today you care for society. Hitler cared for society. I don't care. You know, I just want to signal that, as you nicely said now, nekaj trošinu radicalnego bude potrebno. To je to, o cem mi znamo.

Časami... ljubim tvoje libri, ljubim mnogo mnogo. Madman, madman, madman.

Tvoja gulag-sentenza je razdobljena.

Jedna stvar, katera čakam, je da v jednom dne vedno vidiš, da scriviš o vprašanju o elektricnem tramvaju v Bergenu, če se treba traktirati o tunel? Ne potrebujete menzionirati Fukuyama, ne potrebujete menzionirati kapitalizem, ne potrebujete menzionirati komunizem, ne potrebujete menzionirati komunizem, ne potrebujete menzionirati

komunizem, ne potrebujete menzionirati komunizem, ne potrebujete menzionirati komunizem, komunizem, ne potrebujete

menzionirati komunizem,

ne ne potrebujete menzionirati komunizem, ne ne potrebujete menzionirati komunizem, ne potrebujete menzionirati komunizem, ne potrebujete menzionirati komunizem, ne potrebujete menzionirati komun Zdravstveno. Zdravstveno. Zdravstveno. Zdravstveno. Zdravstveno. Zdravstveno. Zdravstveno. concrete problems. I'm not waiting for a big revolution. I just am. Now this may surprise you for somebody who may sound so bombastic and pretentious like me. You know, strange as it will sound, but I don't know everything. Imediatly I'm thinking in literal terms what to do, so many factors, I don't know enough. I like these totally concrete empirical problems. I like paradoxes. For example, would you agree, very briefly, maybe you found this in one of my books, I'm not quoting this as an argument for anti-capitalism, I don't know that. Idemo nekateri experimenti, kateri me fascinavano, kateri provozivano, da ne potrebujete nekateri formi solidarnosti k penjamu. Jedna ženska prijateljka iz Izraela mi to rekla. V

njo so imeli kindergarten. Ta storija je apokrofalna. Ljudi htjelo da si posegajano na kindergarten in na storija Izraela. Probabilno nije verojno. Srečno? Srečno.

Srečno? Srečno? Srečno? Srečno? Srečno? Srečno? Srečno?

Srečno? Srečno? Ne, ne Srečno? znamo da je to pravda. Sre Srečno? Mogoče je pravda, ne potrebno da se oznami. Ampak imam razum no. Srečno, imam razum

no. Srečno, imam razum no. Srečno, imam

razum no. imam razum no. Srečno, imam razum no. Srečno, imam razum no. Srečno, imam

razum no. Srečno, imam razum no. Srečno, imam razum no. Srečno, imam razum no. Srečno, imam razum no. Srečno, imam razum no. Srečno, imam razum no. Srečno, imam razum no. Srečno, imam razum no. Srečno, For me, imam razum no. communism is just, as I emphasize, and the name of a problem is not a solution. Sre You know, now I will say something that will shock you. I'm well aware, some of my communist friends admitted it, even if we imagine something similar to communism. Mega-probléma sera N.V. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. et He only

visited once or twice.

He had very little to do with it. That was not my point, but one of those guys, when reproached with the fact that capitalism is unjust, you work harshly, you fail, your neighbor was there, he said, but that's why capitalism works, because he said your pride survives intact. Let's say we are two guys. We live in a just society. Če ne ma šansi, če ne ma njegosti, to znači, če jeste viši od mene, moram oznaciti, da jeste štupajši od mene. Če jeste kapitalisti, jeste njegosti. Če jeste kapitalisti,

jeste njegosti. Če jeste kapitalisti, jeste njegosti. Če jeste kapitalisti, njegosti. Če jeste kapitalisti, Now jeste njegosti. Če kapitalisti,

njegosti.

Če jeste

kapitalisti, njegosti. I will

ask Če jeste

kapitalisti, jeste

you, this is my big argument against happiness. njegosti. Do you agree if you are now like my Stasi observer, Če jeste kapitalisti, you have your list. You remember when I argue about happiness against, I take as an example, jes and I was there, I talk with people. Who sucks Czechoslovakia in the 70s? Materiale potrebi stvarno stavljano. Niemand to stavljava. E, kako si rekao, vsad si imel prilage. Bilo troško vremena, komunisti to stavljano. Potrebno je bilo imeti kraj na blizu, West-Germania, ktorej je bilo idealelelelelelelelelelelelelelelelelelelelelelelelelelelelelelele Admetovali, da ne bomo nikad ne došli na zemlje, ama posilnost je bila, da imamo politično potrebovalo, da imamo privatni niz, na kateri potrebujemo svoje življenje, itd. Itd. Mislim, da Hrushev, paradoksalno, ne zgodite li, je bil ostatev, ki nekako paradoksalno, znate, bilo srečno, to morate znati, je bilo uspokojeno, Last epoque où la nomenclature roulante a toujours croit au communisme. Après ça, c'est une logique totalement différente de l'émancipation. Certains des communistes en pouvoir, j'adore ça en Yougoslavie, même parlé de l'école de Marcuse-Francfort, ils disaient, mais vous savez, dans l'Ouest, vous avez la commodification, l'aliénation, ici, vous pouvez le prendre facilement, c'est plus pauvre, etc. Vous savez, désolé, j'ai parlé trop. Laissez-moi vous applaudir

un peu plus. Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Ne! Srečnih moderatnih. Če se pomeni na današnjo levo, je to zelo neumnostno. Ne potrebuješ govoriti o tako veliko stvari. Na gendro, tvoje glede so veliko bolje srečnih kot lepši. To je debeljivo. Lepši lepši. Če se sedim s svojimi srečnimi prijateljami in jim šumijo, Svoje žakosti so, kot tvoje, leftistice...

Moje odgovore na to, če to politično odgovor je, to je zato, zato politici leftistici stavljajo vse možnosti, da bude Trump re-elektor, se mi prosim. Malo više odgovori na to, in budemo tam, kje smo, ale da mi dodam, kot signo prijateljstva, še jedno študijske študije o tebi. Si moj prijatelj, mi ti srečo. Kada sva komunisti, non-stop, ker si objektivno srečna, si pojedi v Gulag. Ok. Ale nek specialistico za tebe, znaš li, co ti je dobilo na bolje dni v Gulag, na Shagday? Nekaj nekaj smutnega sopa, zvrsti in gore, zvrsti in peci, a poteto... Mogoče

nekaj pita. Eee, ne sreči. Ok.

Čakam od mojega Moskovskogo centra, a ne je to lepo? Dostanete dva staklenke od tega sopa.

Čakajte, jeste zgodni, da imate vzrošeno pravzapravno smislo umora, in če boste... Zato čakajte

pravzapravno? To je

niščina. To niščina. To niščina. To niščina. To niščina. To niščina. To niščina. Don't

count on that too much, because I still think that the crisis will hit us. I see signs. Here comes my pessimism. I think that the situation today with new right-wing, blah, blah, blah, and here, as we already talked about it, I'm very open. For example, do they exist here or not? We talked about it, so-called incels, involuntary celibates. Usually they decry us the worst, women-hating fascists. No, they do something, I think, almost tragic, they try to turn their failure, and already this is politically incorrect to state today. You cannot address a woman, almost it's prohibited saying she's beautiful, you cannot say to a man you are non-attractive enough, you cannot get any woman, but that's their experience, and I admire how without any imminent violence they turn this into a wonderful performance. especially clown cells and so on. It's a wonderful way to survive a pretty terrifying predicament. And I don't buy that they are automatically neo-fascists and so on. Concerning feminism and my reproach to MeToo is not they are too radical and so on. But it's an upper middle class fake. Amerikanski feminizim potrebuje prvoposobno, to srećujemo, nekoliko stalinisti, kati, potrebujevano, self-kritisizmu. Veste, ima toliko stvari o amerikanskem feminizimu. Veste, na prvom, amerikanska invasija Iraka, koja pomagla žene. Veste, zdaj znamo, da situacija žene zdaj u Iraku je veliko vremena od Saddam. Saddam je bil Brutalna despota, ale relativno sekularna. To je to, co me boja. Second problem. Vratite mi, voce, voce, voce, voce, voce, voce... Questions which are questions of, not manners in a superficial sense, but of customs. Here I am, as you know, a Hegelian. Hegel always emphasized the basis that holds society together are unwritten rules, customs, and so on. Political correctness tries too much to legalize it. You know, you are allowed to call this name. For example, let me give you a provocative example, you know, to provoke you. Kada problematizieram ta idea diplomatična diplomatična diplomatična diplomatična diplomatična diplomatična diplomatična diplomatična diplomatična diplomatična diplomatična diplomatična diplomatična diplomatična diplomatična diplomatična diplomatična diplomatična diplomatična diplomatična diplomatična

diplomatična diplomatična

diplomatična Pressure, violence, diplomatična diplomatič which can survive the form of consent. Even if there is a formal consent, sexual exploitation can go on and so on and so on. My problem with LGBT+, as if I'm attacking them. No, the problem I see there, I wonder if you agree, is this one. I have a problem with identity politics. The problem is that the idea of predominant Ima mnogo LGBT+, ki so ekstremno dobri teoristi, personi, ambela, ambela, ambela, ambela, ambela, ambela, ambela, ambela, ambela, ambela, ambela, ambela, ambela, ambela, ambela, ambela, ambela, ambela, ambela, ambela, Blossom, let 100, gender, ambela bisex, trisex, and then evil patriarchy comes, imposes the binary division, let's get rid of this, and some of them even establish a list, 30, 35 positions. My God, and then they say Freud is outdated. If there is anything to learn from Freud, it's that sexuality is in itself antagonist, traumatic, shady domains, and so on and so on. To je moja prva pomembnost. To, co me boja, lgbt+, etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., Oh my God, didn't they read Freud? How do you know that you really desire what you think that you desire? There are all the ambiguities here. My second problem, and etc that's the theoretical one, let's move into Hegel a little bit, maybe you know my line. LGBT+, it's all about plus, no? Čudovitimi LGBT teoristi so pro moje dva Britannice empirici. Plus, pro nekateri ne znamo tudi vse identitete, lajkajme je otvoreno. Mogoče boste nekateri altere identitete, boste nekateri nekateri altere identitete, boste nekateri altere identitete, identitete, boste nekateri altere identitete, boste nekateri altere identitete, boste nekateri altere identitete, boste nekateri altere Plus itself is a subjective position. identitete, boste nek You can be a plus in the sense of, you know, at a distance, doubting, and I think this is feminine position at its stronger, I will go to absolutely everyday level. That's why the most provocative woman's answer is, why do you love me? Nema odgovore na ta vprašanja. Od momentu, ko jej odgovoreš, ne je čisto ljubezno. Na definiciju. Če vi radim, kaj ti imam ljubezno, dan se to divi. Zato govorim, da provocevam nekaj komplikantnega.

To je čudovita zemlja, in ako vizite, kakšna zemlja ima kvalitetu governanja, srečenost in lahko zgodovina, da potrebuje raditi z ekološkalne probleme, ne so lahko ili na topu liste? Eto, potrebujete svoje rade in potrebujete Singapur, prezentujete ga svojem svetu?

Tukaj, možda, marxisti, ali ne, da Singapur, enjoys its role as structural an exception. I don't think you can expand Singapore to Indonesia. Already with Malaysia there are problems and so on and

so on. Well, every country is different, but clearly Singapore has more. No, no,

it's stronger there. Because, you know, I recovered that Singapore port is even at some point it was the busiest port in the world and so on. Which means they are kind of a nodal point for the countries around them and so on. I doubt, second thing, maybe I have here too much liberal sensitivity, but nonetheless, you know, it's a kind of a, the way I would define Singapore, you may disagree, Fascizm s ljubezen. Ljubezen je konsensualna in tako dalje, no ima tako strikte limite, nesamno na različno razumno nivelu. Na prvom slučaju, bila s svojim synom, kjer želelo nekakšnjeg kuklača. Išli smo v stor, in mi smiljali. Srečno, morate išćeći na farmaciju. Išli smo na farmaciju, in mi rekli, ok, kje imate doktorovne preskripte? To je

v porozi, to ne je fascismo. Singapur je to redo, ker so preveč ljudi odločeni od smakovnega glasba na državlje, in to je stvarilo problem. Mogoče so prekrivali. Če je tvoja kritika, če je Singapur smakovnega glasba, rečem, prihajajte na moji smakovnega glasba. I know where all the best ones are, right? Jump on board, forget the communist thing. The nostalgia can be for Singapore 13 years ago, which in some ways was less crowded, right? It's a better nostalgia. No, but again,

don't you see where my communism comes seriously? It's precisely, it's not where you think, I don't think there is any link with me to name communism and my nostalgia. Those times, I'm well aware, were more or less a nightmare, I mean. Listen, one reason against nostalgia is that I was jobless. Osobno, potrebujete znati što, al nekaj čudovito se je stalo. Kada mi ljudi zadavali, kakšnih faktorivnih faktorivnih faktorivnih faktorivnih faktorivnih faktorivnih faktorivnih faktorivnih faktorivnih faktorivnih faktorivnih faktorivnih faktorivnih faktorivnih faktorivnih faktorivnih faktorivnih faktorivnih faktorivnih faktorivnih faktorivnih faktorivnih faktorivnih faktorivnih faktorivnih faktorivnih Potem, po nekoliko leta, sem bila neukljubna. Svobodoval sem kontakti na Vesti. Bez komunistskoga opresa, byl bim zdaj neznačen profesor v mesto

Ljubljana, Slovenia. Včasih, ti mi pripominjati Laibach, Slovensko

rock-grupo. To je moj prijatelj, svoj Bože, z nimi sem od leta 80-a, in zdaj se stvari komplikirano. Veste, zato, ker mnogo leftisti, Člani, ki jih spodnjavljajo, so nikoli nebezpečni. Srečno. Ok, imajo totalitarni rituali. Če nekaj ljudi to zanima seriosno, in tako dalje. In ko so imeli

vprašanje, jeste li fascisti? Jedno z njih je rekel, da jesem fascist, kot je Hitler malcev. Kaj je ta odgovor? Ne znam. Ale kaj ne morajo reketi, da nisem fascist? In potrebuješ reketi, da nisem komunist, in ti in Leibach, potrebujemo svoje sredstvo v Singapurskih rastlinah, I want. Have a nice time. Work on better batteries so solar power can really save us. We could have the government subsidize better battery technology. I know it's not all we need to do. and then think about that electric tram and the tunnel, the diesel from the cruise ships. I can tell you

from my personal contact with Leibach that they don't mean it as an ironic spectacle. They are very serious in their harsh line. That's what I like about them. They are not, don't be afraid, we are not really totalitarians, it's just one big social game and so on and so on. But at a certain point, I didn't want to join them because they wanted me, you probably know, two years ago when they went to North Korea. No, it would be too much. I didn't

want to do it. Too communist for

you. Yeah. No, but nonetheless, you know what was so interesting with Leibach? Here you have the complexity of ideological process that Vaša terza, se bo manipulirana radicalno drevo etc., non so mai ... quando sono populari, I know what the right-wingers, at least in Europe, are listening. It's not the German version of Leibach, there was some influence. Do you know Rammstein, the group? Links, links, they are left, and it's a beautiful, the right thing to do for the left to appropriate this horrible totalitarian sounding stuff and so on and so on. The right-wingers that I know, I think beautiful romantic songs are political usually, and so on, and so on. But still, you know where you... I get your point, of course. I still, when you said no, something more will be needed. F you. What more? Tell me.

You say,

no, no, no, it's not, I know ecology and so on, digital control, Have you any idea what? What more will be needed? What do you think? That ecological party will be elected? I hope so, maybe.

It's 20% electric cars. Now I don't know what Bergen did to get that. many parts of the world could learn from whatever has been done here. And we're at 20, let's work

to 60, right? Yeah, but on the other hand, my only not-criticism of Norway is that you have oil, gas, and so on, you know. Of course. I would like to learn from Norway, but I would like even more if you give me your natural resources. To earn

from the oil and then divest from fossil fuels is to my eye a

bit strange. Although I have one argument for you here. The good thing about Singapore is that they have no natural resources,

no? Well, they do a lot of refining there, so... Refining, yes, but no... Not that I'm aware of. But

what made it? Is it kind of one incidental conjunction? That's what I would have maybe said about Singapore of this Chinese proclivity to hard work and English legislation, or what? There must have been

some unique combination. Osigurajte se, činezi pri prvi priznosci, činezi, ki so prišli v Singapur, so bili nekaj zločinevi, ki ne so radili dobro v Čine, zločinevi, kateri ne so radili dobro v Čine, činezi, ki so prišli v Singapur, so bili nekaj

zločinevi, ki so radili dobro v Čine,

činezi, ki so radili dobro v Čine,

činezi, ki so radili dobro v Čine, činezi, ki so radili dobro v Čine, činezi, ki so radili dobro v Čine, činezi, ki so radili dobro v Čine, činezi, ki so radili came dobro to v Singapore, everybody, everywhere there they showed and said Singapore Čine, should činezi, be a model for...

ki It is time for China to liberalize. I don't see them doing that. They seem to be moving in the opposite direction.

Here and now we touch the true problem. Sorry, now I'm not losing time. You know where I am a pessimist. Some of my liberal friends tell me, oh, China achieved so much with full political liberalization, they would have achieved even more. I doubt it. Ne znamo

kontrafakšnega. Pravzaprav kontrafakšnega, imam za tebe vprašanje o Donaldu Trumpu. Tako da si včasih rekel, da bi bilo dobro, če je Trump vzniknul, ker to bo revitaliziralo left. To je bilo. In pa je bil drugi artikel, v kateri ljudje vprašajo, če si to napravljeno značil. In ti rekeli, da je bilo toliko leta, da je bilo tako. Vzgledem na demokratično razlice. Prvi pridružnik je Jozef Biden, ki je, mislim, 77 let. To je bil predvsem predvsem predvsem prezident za osebno leto. Major Pete je zdaj drugi predvsem, ker je imel nekaj

Srečko, ne znam, kako se to imenuje. Ne znam, ne znam. To je

major od South Bend, Indiana, perfektovno dober kandidat. Demokrati-konservativi so v ascendenci, a demokrati so spavnili z identitetna politika, in to je exaktno to, cekajte. Tako začelo to biti dobro? Mogoče četiri leta Trumpa, možda veseti leta Trumpa? Ok, ne

imamo vremena, ale dajte-mi boste specifici. Demokrati, ki idu za politično identitetno, Hillary srečno to provalila proti Donald Trumpu. Proti Bernie Sanders. To je ilo, zato admiro Alessandria Ocasio-Cortez, koja nekaj zelo ingleniosnego, vi morate da li to lesete, koja recentno uvodila Bernie Sanders. Uvodilam ga ne in spodobno, da je staro, bila čovek, le zato. Svoja ideja bila ta, Bernie Sanders ne potrebuje, centristi-demokrati so obsevani, če si troško na srečanju, perdujemo, centristi-demokrati so obsevani in tako dalje. Trump robil exaktno to oproste. Mislim, cilj demokratične partije bi bili tisti, opravzani, bila. half unemployed workers who otherwise would have voted for Trump, know those middle of the road and so on and so on. Trump is a genius here, how he broke all the rules and so on, because do you remember how often in his campaign when he said something, I know, preposterous, horrible, liberal press said, Trump po prostu šal sebe, to je skozi in tako dalje. Ne, to ni skozi. Trump provoča, da včasih, jedna stranica na majoritet je v ekstremnosti. To ni vedno tako, da center fungera. Ale mi se

obožujem tukaj, da ima paralelo, tvoje pogovori in pronizanje na Trumpa in na komunizmu. Tako, v različnosti Trumpa, mislite, no, možem to reči, imam viziju, da to nekaj nekaj nekaj nekaj nekaj nekaj nekaj nekaj nekaj nekaj nekaj nekaj nekaj nekaj nekaj nekaj ne Naša življenja je najbolj življenja. In moderaci so na razviju. In potem imamo razmišljanje, da lahko se odločimo do komunizma, imamo različno teorijo, da bo to v nekaj način delovalo, da bo nam rekel, da moramo vedno večje, ko se gleda na ekologijo. Ali to mi izgleda kot predstavljanje Trumpa. Zdaj znamo, da je bilo težko predstavljati predstavljanje prihodnosti Filipa Tetlocka. Zato, zato, zato, zato, zato, zato, zato, zato, zato, zato, It's not ironic.

He's a contemporary communist for me, fully. You know what I like about Greta Thunberg? Prvo, vi se spominjate, da neka media v Evropi stvarili, da blagamo svoje roditelje. Veste, te manipuliraju jo. Moja odgovor je, speram, da to faceti facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu facetu almost facetu facetu diabolico, facetu facetu agressivo smil. Mi srečo Greta Thunberg. Mi ne srečo dobra, inocentna dama. Mi srečo jo tudi. Zato. Zato. Zato. Zato. Zato. Zato. Zato. Zato. Zato. Zato. Zato. Zato. Zato. Zato. Zato. Zato. Zato. I don't need anything more. Ok, we can debate the name, but I think that what he is doing is definitely communist to dare for me. Greta Thunberg, Assange and so on. Incidentally, do you know the story? I must repeat it to you, I hope all of you don't know it, when I visited him two weeks ago in prison. It's wonderful, I couldn't believe it. I'm sorry if some of you know it. I was sitting close to him like this in open space at the table. A friend brought me a cup of coffee, plastic cover. I took the cover off and drank some coffee and put coffee back on the table in two seconds, literally. A guard was there, very gentle, soft, no terror. Just said, please, sir, put the cover, plastic cover back on the coffee. I asked afterwards. I didn't want to cause problems there. Why? They told me, you were sitting opposite a son of an evil man. It was for my own good, they told me. They wanted to blokirati možnosti, da zločine, katera ne potrebuje nekogo, ne potrebuje nekoga, ne potrebuje nekoga, ne potrebuje nekoga, ne potrebuje nekoga, ne potrebuje nekoga, nekoga, ne potrebuje nekoga, ne potrebuje nekoga, ne potrebuje nekoga, ne ne potrebuje nekoga, ne potrebuje nekoga, ne potrebuje nekoga, ne potrebuje nekoga, ne potrebuje nekoga, ne potrebuje

nekoga, ne potrebuje nekoga, ne potrebuje nekoga, ne potrebuje nekoga, ne potrebuje nekoga, ne potrebuje nekoga, ne ne-hegelijanski potrebuje predvajalca, nek kot Rete Thunberg, vrnite se nekako na svoje katolicke vrsti, odločite svojo pravna moderna strana, odločite se v Singapuru, in pojavite se s mojim pravim prijateljem, kjer delujemo svojo smislo umora s mojim pravim prijateljem.

Kaj je ta alternativni scenario? Ekvator je za mene troško gor. Če me vredujem, a ne bom tebe srečan, dva, tri krati srečan sem. Vredujem me vredujem na del Norveja, kjer ne je ništa Norveja. Srečan ne. Srečan srečan. To je moja idealna mesta. Longyearbyen, Svalbard Island. To je moja idealna postojačka. Je hodno vazdravno, nikad nema, a to je zelo dobro prospektov za življenje, zato ko znašeš šumet, je proibito umetnići tam.

No, no, no,

malo seriosno.

No, no,

no, malo

seriosno. No, What would

you have to see in the world? No, I'm not trying to make propaganda for myself, but I did try to practice this. You know what? One of my books, no, malo seriosno. which was not a full failure, but close to a failure, my rewriting of Antigone. Slišiš to? Ne, ne slišal. Ah, mi je bilo milo. Slišiš co, co mi je bilo? Slišiš co, co mi je bilo? Slišiš co, co mi je bilo? Slišiš co, co mi je bilo? Slišiš co, co mi je bilo? Slišiš co, co mi je bilo? Slišiš co, co mi je bilo? Slišiš co, co mi je bilo? Slišiš co, co mi je bilo? Slišiš co, co mi je bilo? Slišiš co, co mi je bilo? Slišiš co, co mi je bilo? Slišiš co, co mi je bilo? Slišiš co, co mi je bilo? Slišiš co, Sofocles, katera incidentalmente non è la storia originale, la mita co mi greca è totalmente diversa. Ok, sapete cosa succede, non la ripeterò. Allora, nel momento del suo grande conflitto in mezzo al gioco con Creon, gioco alternata realita, Kreon vina. Kreon dekla, ok, ti resiš, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, nekaj, War, death, and the chorus answers her, fuck you big, but that's what you created. Then comes the third version. The third version that you will like, I hope, is while Crayon and Antigone are fighting, The Corral stepped over and said, you are both traitors ruining the city, you should both be liquidated and they established a kind of Jacobin terror and they are both liquidated. Nobody likes this, I don't think. But don't you suspect me, I still have zero seconds, but don't you suspect me, how come that you don't have, don't you trust me, that fear that now I'm talking soft, but if I get too close to power, you will see the Stalinist side of me. You don't suspect me of really being a bad guy. You trust me. No, I don't.

I think your attachment and almost obsession with plenitude and being generative of ideas To, da si generativni, to je oziroma personalnosti in temperamenta in je neurologično v tebi, tako, da to tako razvršuje vse opresne tendenci, ki lahko imaš. Če boste bili predstavljeni diktatora ali nekaj, bi lahko spravljali še več ljudeb in ne lahko to pomagali. I will tell you a story, very brief

one, don't be afraid, no time. That's what I like. I hope you will like this. My favorite passage in Marx is, maybe you know it, 1870, Paris Commune. To je bilo unija, da možda bude evropska revoluzija. Marks srečeva Englemu, kateri imam všeč mu, kjer reče, o, moj Bože, voribo revoluziju tega, ale nisem skončil kapitol, ne tega, moram skončiti svoj ljubav. To je stvarna duša. Exactly,

a to zato ti ufam. Zdaj, imamo metodo za vprašanje. Boste imeli vprašanje od strana in vprašanje od Twittera. Vaši vprašanje od strana bi bili vprašanje, ne razloge, ne proklamacije, ne politične platforme. Sva tukaj, da slišimo toga ljudje, tako da se bom pripeljal, če to ne bo vprašano vprašanje. Ampak, preko toga, imamo četiri vprašanje na videu, ena od njih je prevelika, in sem povedan, da so vaši prijatelji, ampak morate bolj vrogi, možda. Prvo začnemo s tistimi vprašanjami, potem vprašanje tukaj in tukaj, mikrofoni bojo pripravljeni in vse bojo učini, ker je to Bergen, Norvej. Vprašanje iz videa. Prvo video, prosim. Moja

strana vprašanja za Slavoj ima vzgled na marxistično kritiko na politično ekonomijo. Prvo, v različnosti s marxističnim zgodovim materializmem, Čutite li,

da so bili nekaj velikih povezanjev v

pristopnih različah med ekonomično infrastrukturo in bolj ekonomično superstrukturo v kapitalizmu med 19. stoletjem in današnjim? Je del ali pesem ekonomičnega in razvijanje sočalnega

istorije izboljšalo se v tem času? Po

drugi, če bi lahko opravljali Markovi kritično razvijanje ekonomičnega za 21. stoletje, kakšne komponente bi pripravljali pripravljanje, razvijanje, razvijanje in razvijanje?

Kaj bi bili nekaj različnih pomembnosti svojega

političnega ekonomije? To sono tutti i miei prijatelji, sopravo so difficulti domini teoretici, dobbiamo altri due ore. Direi solo che si, si, si, si, si, si, si, si, si, si, si, si, si, si, si, si, si, si, si, si, si, ale Marx, inclusive, etc., etc., etc.,

etc., etc.,

etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc subject. In our actual life, we are usually pragmatic Anglo-Saxon utilitarians. The fetishist inversion is in how we act our reality structure. Marx has a wonderful theory where it's not this enlightenment vision, you know, we dream illusions, the other thing is real life. No, we can be very ...to repeat a joke that I'm sure you all know, but it renders perfectly the point. You know that story that I always repeat? Niels Bohr and the horseshoe. You know, Niels Bohr had a horseshoe at his country house, across the entrance door, superstitious item, and a friend asked me, why do you have it there? Aren't you a scientist? Do you believe in it? You know what's Niels Bohr's answer? Of course I don't believe in it. But I have it there because I was told that it works even if you don't believe in it. To je kako ideologia funziona dnes. Na tisto nivou, na tisto extent, a možda ti boste srećni s tistim, lekcija Marxa je to. Dlatego, interesantno, commodity fetishismu ne znamo mai ideologia, ker je nekaj strašnjeg. To je sistema delovi, atd., ma objektivizirane centralne dele infrastruktura. Po tih liniach, bismo morali progrežići više od Marxista, itd., itd. Second video question, please.

My question is about communism. Tako kot Alain Badiou, ti si ena filosofa, ki je razvijala filosofično razgovarjanje o ideji komunizma v skladbih bokov, konferencih in načinah. Zato se zastanem, kaj misliš o tem projektu in potencijalu komunizma? Zato se zastanem, na različnih skladbih Lenina, na različnih skladbih Lenina, na različnih skladbih Lenina, na različnih skladbih Lenina, na različnih skladbih Lenina, na različnih

skladbih Lenina, na različnih

različnih skladbih Lenina, na različnih skladbih Lenina, na različnih skladbih Lenina, na različnih skladbih Lenina, na različnih skladbih Lenina, na različnih skladbih Lenina, na različnih skladbih Lenina, na različnih skladbih Vsaka dela 20. Lenina, na razli stoletja mora biti opravljena, ne mora biti zapomnjena, mora biti odpravljena. Vrnimo se do začetka in ne moramo igrati vse, kar smo naučili v 20. stoletju. V drugih časih se mi zdi, da se pravzaprav naučimo v 20. stoletju in igramo nekaj napisov Lenina in različitosti iz Evropskeh zgodov v 20. stoletju. Srečan sem, da lahko razumete, kako vidite potencijo za komunistično politiko današnje, ne samo komunistično filozofijo,

ampak

komunistično politiko

današnje,

kakšne organizacijske forme si mislite,

da se to

potrebuje, in če ne, če ni potencija za komunistično možnost. Mogoče druga

stvar,

da to rečemo, je, kako se imažite konec

kapitalizma. Znovu, četiri godine na svoje svoje vzpomaganie. Co voram, este da... Prvo, nisem... O, Bože, nisem pizda. Nisem editirat collected works of Lenin, nisem jih nekazal, nikoli. Ceh ceh mi interesa, este da Lenin, ato na zelo precize momente... Ceh ceh me fascinati v Leninu, este da... este da... ceh Lenin's time is over. mi fascinati v Leninu, ceh mi fascinati

v Leninu, ceh mi fascinati v Leninu, ceh mi

fascinati fascin I don't play the boring Trotsky game of, you know, this crazy dream. Oh, if only Lenin were to survive two years longer, he would have made a pact with Trotsky, Stalin would be sidestepped, and so on. No. The deadlock was there from the beginning. But what interests me in Lenin, and maybe that's what we need today, is this Totalno pragmatico, volontarista spirit. Nisn't it clear that in 1917 it was a total mess. Lenin often didn't know what to do. Some even liberal communists praise his state and revolution. But what he says there is something that he immediately abandoned then. What interests me is especially Lenin in 21, 22, and this was the big failure of the October Revolution. They want the civil war. in then it would have been my moment, okay, now it's everyday life, invent new forms if you can, they failed. But Lenin was at least the one who On said openly, our situation is totally desperate. We don't have any formula. He didn't have any trust in the future. He saw this total openness. That's what fascinates me, but I'm not preaching in any sense the return to it. So my idea, unfortunately I'm here maybe a little bit more. Dajte namo to pessimismo. Navigazno, in questa metafora di tornare al zero livello, credo che Lenin, che scriveva in 21, 22, un wonderful text, dove ha detto che nulla funzionava. Poi ha detto che non dobbiamo stabilizzare i nostri raggiungimenti, ma dobbiamo tornare al zero livello. Iniziare dal Nowhere, and quoting data which also you mentioned, the fact that the only livable communism today, communism in the formal sense, the Chinese one, means ecological problems, more digital control and so on and so on, we have to begin in some sense from the zero. Lenin already did this not just as a good direction. If you are a dogmatic Marxist, You can show that Lenin totally overturned Marx and so on. In this sense, Lenin was not the one of the fidelity to Marx. He pretended to be, but you know how religious revolutions also work. Toda proklame se svoja returno na origini. Martin Luther, larva religiosna, oh, vogliamo solo retornare la Bibbia originale, etc. No, credo che con tutte le studie objektive etc., vediamo le le buone e male strane, ma comunismo nel'XX secolo era ultimamente un'absoluta falia. Terzo domino, per favore. Pozdrav, Slavoj, je Paul Taylor. Srečo, da se ti življenje dobro poslušajo. Moja vprašanje je o delu akademikov kot priznatih kritičnih mislitev. V mojem izkušnju, v skupini UK, akademikov, ko so se zgodili z razvijajočo biurokracijo, razvijajočo komercijalizem, so delali kot kreature, kot Leming, ali kot kvizilci, da se lahko povezati s nekaterimi različnicami, ki bi se svojo norveško občinstvo zgodilo. V različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različ etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., Jugoslavia bo bila lepša. Zastavite mi, nadal ni bilo ekonomicno fiasco, a to je bila ljubezno. Od 1980, albosto, možda 1982, lajčeva nomenklatura stava preparatva za fiasco. Čudovito, čudovito. Čudovito. Čudovito. Čudovito. Čudovito. Čudovito. Čudovito. Čudovito. Čudovito. Čudovito. Čudovito. Čudovito. Čudovito. Čudovito. Čudovito. Čudovito. Čudovito. Čudovito. Čudovito. Čudovito.

Čudovito. Čudovito. Čudovito. Čudovito.

Čudovito. formato se v Sloveniji. Č Vmesto delegati od centralnega komiteta prišli ljudi, da so progresivni, ljubili se finančno pomoč, itd., itd. Zato imeli smo demokraziju, 1990. Prvo stvari, katera je dominata pro konservativisti, je abolištvo tistih gej organizacij. V nekoliko paradoksalni sensi It was a golden era, I would say, the second half, but I don't have any illusions. It's not that communists were good or so. But communists in power knew they were fighting for survival. This is incidentally also how I read the explosion of nationalism. Milosevic got this. Communist nomenklatura had a problem. Democracy is coming. How to regain some type of democratic legitimacy? cancelling themselves as nomenklatura. The answer obvious was to paint yourself as a defender of national interest and so on, nationalism and so on. On the other hand, I must say, what makes me so depressive, and the United States are big enough, are not the worst, but especially UK, I don't know how it is here, is this pragmatic turn of philosophy has to serve concrete social needs. Labour Party, more than Thatcher, began this in England. My friend philosophers are telling me, you got Labour representatives coming to universities philosophy department and say, we will give you more money, but we will just make it if you get some money from private companies and so on and so on. But what I like about today's, I think, To certainly is not a traditional leftist idea. What's good about academia is precisely that it's a space with no concrete attachment to any needs of society. You can go crazy, you can freely debate, and so on and so on. And this is more and more difficult today. Even in Germany, they are telling me, my good friend, conservative but bright, Peter Sloterdijk, He told me to get more money, you know what he likes to do, business weekends. Years ago he went for a weekend to Volkswagen top managers and explained them, you know this bullshit, what's going on today, post-modernity, the situation and so on. Če ne srečovam ... Če ne srečovam ... Če ne srečovam ... Če ne srečovam ... Če ne srečovam ... Če ne srečovam

... Če

ne srečovam

... Če ne srečovam

... Če

Če ne srečovam

... Če

ne srečovam

... Če

Če ne srečovam ... Če

srečovam

... Če ne srečovam

... Če

ne srečovam ... Če ne srečovam ... Če

ne srečovam

... Če ne srečovam

... laboratori

Če ne societi, srečovam

... Če

eksperti, solveri problemi. No, ne, na dnevnih dnevnih dnevnih dnevnih dnevnih

dnevnih

dnevnih dnevnih dnevnih dnevnih dnevnih dnevnih dnevnih dnevnih dnevnih dnevnih dnevnih dnevnih dnevnih dnevnih dnevnih dnevnih dnevnih dnevnih dnevnih dnevnih d either in a totally contingent external way, usually some military contract, or as a private hobby and so on. So what I advise you if you are here at the university is don't believe in this mantra of you are here bourgeois spending money, hard earned workers money and so on, be more useful. No, what's great about university is they are not useful in the immediate sense. To je to, what we should expect from you, academics. All great things, again, to use the guy whom you mentioned this morning, John Elster. He had this wonderful term years ago of states which are necessarily a byproduct. It just comes, you cannot plan it. Academia should be a place for this.

Last video question, please.

Zdravstveno, Savoj, iz Avstralije. Zdravstveno. Večkrat ste govorili kritično o paradigmi Hölderlini, v kateri je zagotavljanje, svoje zahvalljajoče moči. Ideja, da je zloženje različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različnih različni da je Hegel sebe odločil tako negativno eskatoločje. Večkrat ste pomenili, da je Marko falšno predstavljanje na svojo razmišljanje. Ena od svojih kritikov o svojem paradigmi je, da je nekaj izvršenih ali nekaj, ki je nekaj izvršenih na razmišljanje o prihodnosti. in ne razumemo način krizi in krizi. Specifiko ne razumemo, kako je kapitalizem možnosti, da se obdobi in nalaga na svoje krizi. Možemo li še vedno ostaviti idejo o kapitalizmu kot svoje sredstvo? Če lahko razložite svojo kritiko Heldelijanskega paradigme v službi presednega, ko lahko vidimo božišče, božišče, ki razvija globalni kapitalizem vseh naših okoljev, da je božišče nekaj, ki ga lahko ne moremo več tako povezati, in kjer so previšnji modeli krize nekaj takih, In tukaj je moja vprašanja, je ljudje imeli koncept revolucije v predenšnjem kontekstu, ki

nisemo pripravljeni tomu paradigmi? Znovu, to je mega-difficulta vprašanja. Per spraviti, znaš co, Rebecca Komei, accidentalno, zdaj sem sincerna, ne politicno korrektna feminista. Organiziraju nešto na oktober na New York, konferenza Big Hegel, majestatica boste beste djece, in srečno srečan sem na ljudi. Ne, ne, nisem politicno korrektna feminista. Simplicemente, najbolje studia hegeliane vizualizirane v dnešnji. V paradigme Helderlina, znavajte to passaggio di Helderlin, poeta romantica generale, chevada tutaj od Heideggera, Wo das Gefahr ist, wechst das Rettende Haus, wo der Bedrohung die Größte ist. point of salvation is also near and so on. And this is a model for the usual revolutionary thinking even in Marx. Proletariat, zero level, exploitation, poverty, but there is a chance that you turn around into salvation. I'm here a Hegelian, if you ask me. I much more believe, and I will not go into it now, it's another half an hour, how do I apply this to what I was telling about catastrophes, apocalypses, and so on. The post-apocalyptic vision. Hegel's problem is exactly the opposite one. The big attempt at liberation happened, French Revolution, and for Hegel, I don't totally agree with him, but nonetheless, it turned wrong, Jacobin terror, and so on. Hegel ni nekaj zloptimista, ne. Hegel's basic insight is exactly the opposite one. No matter how good an idea or a project is, we can be sure that it will be somehow etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., Ne potrebujemo da igramo tiste videogame o korrupti Stalinu. Veste li kako marxisti so spostojno racisti? Svoboda na Russia je zbytka Asia. Asiatična barbarizna, katera je responsibilna za to. Ne, ne, ne, We have ne. to begin thinking from this. What's then the solution? Simply return to more modest previous model of society? This is my vision today. Yes, we are approaching a crisis, but we cannot simply revitalize the 20th century communism. We should rethink it. Radically, I am again a Hegelian pessimist here. Hegel is for me a thinker of deep distrust. Hegelian dogma is everything turns wrong, so only this whole delicate Hegelian theory of repetition, only the second time to do it again You have to do it again, maybe you have a chance the second time if you learn the lessons of the first time. And I think that's what we need today. This much more modest spirit. Don't wait for a big revolution. It already happened and it got screwed

up. Pogovarjamo na vprašanje od strane. Pogovarjam na tebe. Pogovarjaj na mikrofon, in tako potišiš na YouTube. Ljubim te.

Ti si delovno dobro stalinisti. Ja, ja. Fak demokrazija. Ti želite orditi tu. Na

fronti, ima dva ljudi z rukavitami, in nekateri nekateri nekateri nekateri nekateri nekateri nekateri

nekateri nekateri nekateri nekateri nekateri nekateri nekateri nekateri nekateri nekateri nekateri nekateri nekateri nekateri To ni afirmacija, to je razafirmacija. Moje vprašanje so dva. Prvi je, kaj je to razafirmacija naredila, svoje občutke za komunizem? Drugi vprašanje je, da je svoje občutke za komunizem izvoljile v letih, in če je, kako? I think I implicitly, maybe I failed, answered this in my, whatever you call it, bombastic word, speech talk or whatever, that it's simply the big dilemma is for me this one. It's still, again, as I said, the Fukuyama dilemma. We are confronting a series of problems today. Among them, not only global migrations, novi formi dominacij, basanti na digitalno universo, ekologi, atd. Is the existing liberal democratic capitalist system strong enough to cope with these problems or not? Moja odgovor je, da ne. Ne znam, da to znači nič. Lepo, nekaj inovativnog, nekaj inovativnog, nekaj inovativnog, inovativnog, nekaj inovativnog, nekaj inovativnog. reappeared. Only now we are discovering all the ecological catastrophes. Go to East Germany. Whole areas are there totally contaminated. Go to parts of the Soviet Union which are even now prohibited and so on and so on. But to put it very simply, you know, I Nikoli nisem bil naivno pro-komunista. Moja diplomatica, to je bilo v roce 70-te, latne 60-te, je bila rejena univerzitetom. To so bila vedno komunisti, ne marxisti. To povrsti mojih velikosti, ali veš, da mi je začelo v Heideggeri. Moja prva lita je bila na heideggeri in slovenski. I would settle accounts with that book in Nazi style, burn it, you know. But what I'm saying is that this is, to put it in very simplistic common sense terms, that's why I'm so distrustful about this usual liberal optimism. Naturally, all my sympathy goes with, for example, refugees. But don't turn it into a humanitarian problem. But not in this politically correct way. Western people, from developed countries, like to blame themselves.

Like,

yeah,

yeah,

whatever happens in third world, it's colonialism, we are guilty, and so on. Responsible, because what one should never forget, here I'm still, I'm sorry to disappoint you, staunchly pro-European Enlightenment tradition. Even political correctness itself is, I think, a misdirected application of something that is part of European tradition of Enlightenment. You cannot even, I think, imagine something like political correctness outside the Western Tradizioni. Znov, da mi ne bo schopno, ne je tako, da bomo tradizionalni, autentici komunisti, bomo bili zelo srečni v Jugoslaviji, zato veste, nemajte neke ilusioni o ex-Jugoslaviji, nisem nostalgico, veste, bolo nam srečno? Od prihodnih 60-tih for literally 20 dissidents, but other sides were completely open. As a student, late 60s, I was going once at least every two months, if not more often, by train to London, Paris or Munich to buy books and so on. So for us in ex-Yugoslavia, the end of communism was not O moj Bože, zdaj znamo kaj je. Ne, bila sva tisto vremena, idemo na zemlje, nema iluzija, a možda to je bila moja sreča, da ne imela imenu iluzije o Jugoslaviji, Komunizm, ne kupovam stupnost nekogo zestavnogo komunizmu, Jugoslavia je drugačna, to je bil autentiski, demokratični komunizm, ale bordi so bili otvoreni, tako da mi ne so bilo dobre ilusioni s zestavnimi, in to va na mojo zadovoljstvo. Vidite, to je apirato v 1988-1989 v New Left Review, Mijn kvartet, The East European Republic of Gilead, reference to Margaret Atwood's Handmaid's Tale, where it was clear to me that I predicted there explicitly that East European post-communism will take this nationalist fundamentalist turn, and so on, and so on. So, again, it's not that I ever was a traditional Marxist. Zato znaš kaj je bila moja formativna profesja? Pamišljam se, kada sem bilo mladim studentem, na Slovenija bila velika konflikta med marxistami, Frankfurtskou a Heideggeriami. Heideggeriami, disidenti, Frankfurtskou, Then the big French wave exploded, so-called structuralism, post-structuralism, and both sides, dissidents and the party officials, used the same language, attacking it. That's what made my identity. Through the French experience, but I'm sorry if I disappointed you, but again, my point is this one, simply, that we are approaching probleme, catastrofische potenziale, a nemođe to raditi med liberalno-demokratično kapitalistische Systeme. Das ist meine Grundlage.

Direkt vor ihr, dann in der Frontreihe hier, und wir müssen die Antworten etwas unterdrücken. Ich

bin sehr entschuldigt. Ich werde in mein buddhistisches Modus gehen, ihr wisst, dieses Bullshit, wie man mit einer Hand klatscht, hört zu meinem Stille, oder was auch immer. Bitte, Entschuldigung. Zato mislimo, da lahko razumemo, da je ideja nekaterih delovnih komunističnih sočasnikov nekaj stupnega. Zato, možemo pripomniti, da je tisto komunistično sočasno? Tisto sočasno, prav? Kaj je to? Kako je govoril si o tem v Theocracy, kjer se zgodi tiranija, kako eksperti se poslušajo. To je najgorejša, razumem to. Potrebno je, da ima nek neumni rekel, da boste na poperu, tako da eksperti bi lahko ustvarili razloge pod njim. Could that solution be in a communist society and what would it look like? Up to a point, yes, very good question. I would refer here to my Japanese friend, very intelligent, read him, his books are translated most of them into English, Kojin Karatani. But he said, the passage from bourgeois to proletarian democracy, I quote him, is the passage from voting to lottery. That there must be a dimension of lottery chance and so on to prevent expert rule and so on. So I believe that in every we call it, more authentic democracy and so on, an element of chance is needed. And that's why from ancient Greece to Venice, which was not exactly democratic, but London, they were also obsessed with lottery. How was the, how do you call the boss, Doge? Yes, Doge. How was he selected? An incredibly... A nine-step process, very complicated. Incredibly complex, but it was a mixture of checking the person that he is not corrupted with lottery, with lot, no? So if on the other hand, you know, he is not yours, but you were once their colony, I mean Denmark, no? Kierkegaard also was well aware of this, you know? I read in a biography of, how to pronounce it correctly, Kierkegaard, okay, we in the corrupted West say Kierkegaard, I think he was once called by the king, and what lessons should I learn? And he expected some deep theological philosophical wisdom. No, you must learn how to be polite, how to say polite platitudes, and so on and so on. I believe in empty manners. All our humanity is based on empty manners. And this is what absolutely fascinates me. I've written a lot about it. Vi znajte to? Mi imenujemo to sincerna hipokratia. Per esempio, ne znam kako vi to facete tu, ma in v mojem zemlji, ne znam se, to je moja stara storija, ne znam se, ne znam se, ne znam se, ne znam ne znam se, ne znam se, ne znam se, ne znam se, ne znam se, ne znam se, ne znam se, ne znam se, ne znam se, ne znam se, ne znam se, ne znam se, ne znam znam se, ne Bill znam se, to a restaurant. ne Bill arrives. znam se, In my country it's absolutely crucial to go through this empty ritual. At the end the bill arrives. ne We both know that you will pay. But I have to insist a little bit. No, let's at least share it. But not too much. Not too much, yes. Because in my ultimate evil, once I did this to a friend of mine, it was very evil. He insisted, let me pay, and I said, okay, pay. And he was totally desperate, he had to claim, oh, I forgot my credit card. But what I'm saying, isn't this something wonderful? This specific human communication, you make an offer, a gesture, katera se spodziewa, da ne potrebuje, male ne potrebuje, male ne potrebuje, male ne potrebuje, male ne potrebuje, male ne

potrebuje, male ne potrebuje, male ne potrebuje, male ne potrebuje, male ne potrebuje,

male ne potrebuje, male ne potrebuje, potrebuje,

male ne potrebuje, male ne potrebuje, male ne potrebuje, male ne potrebuje, male ne potrebuje, male ne potrebuje, male ne potrebuje, male ne potrebuje, male ne potrebuje, male ne potrebuje, male

ne

potrebu Nema civilizazja

senza ovi idioti. Četiri vratnice, una ovde, una na Twitter, 30-second ansvare, unica. Middle

class opportunist, volite combinare left and right, sapete? Da, vratnice. Mi se imenuje Gisle Selnes, Departamento di Comparativa Literatura. Mi sva preparato complexe vratnice per legendari in orientabili svojeg ultimatega librica. Zdravstveno. Zdravstveno. Zdravstveno. Kako si mislite, da bude Assange na konice februari, in kako si mislite, da bude to ufotkovanje na posebno komunistično budovino?

Prosti drugi

odgovor. Zelo težka vprašanja, ker mi se sreča, da Julian ni imel televizor in ne potrebuje govoriti. Zato, da sem pesimista, stavljamo core, organizujemo core, male, male, male, male, male, male, male, male, male, male, male, male, male, male, male, male, male, male, male, male, male, turn against extradition and so on and so on. So if you ask me about his concrete fate, I will do, but what can I do? All possible, I'm a pessimist, I think we should just hope that at least the after effect will

be up. Twitter question, super quick, 30 second answer. Norvej je tudi različen od stigmanizacije komunističnih, in čakolje boljši bojo boljši in boljši bojo boljši, s veliko pravih partij in parlamentom, ljudje so razložni, da se vrnemo na levo. Kako najbolj lahko vrnemo proletarijet na našo razloženje? 30 sekund. Hvala.

Primo, kako dite, površini stavljajo površini, bogati stavljajo bogati, mano, mano,

mano,

mano, mano, mano, mano, mano, mano, mano, mano, mano austerity is what happens in Greece, where it fell for 30% and so on. What I would say is, again, Alessandria Ocasio-Cortez formula. I'm totally, again, for all this new feminism and so on, gay rights and so on, but don't fall into this gap of cultural politics, find a link with the majority, because poor are getting poorer and so on and so on. Is there a political party for them, but not in this traditional Marxist way. It doesn't work. But, you know, because so many in United States, politically correct people, you can see that their political correctness quite often has a secret class bias. They don't say it, but the politically incorrect are the poor, primitive people, working class, and so on and so on. It's a much more complex situation, and I will say now something that you will like, but for this you will get to gulag for life. Problemo je veliko večer. I was there in Occupy Wall Street and I was asking them, what do you want? Do you have a project? Many of them just had a vague idea, less corruption, big banks are corrupted. What do you want? Are you Fukuyamaist, a little bit more efficient system? Do you want old social democratic welfare? Do you want old style communism? And I will be very critical leftists. I'm the first one to admit that the left I'm not talking about legalistic details, but a general vision of a future society. I don't see. Thank

you very much, and thank you all for coming.

Vidite, koliko je zlo. Mi je zvrstil precieljno na to pesimistično puno, zato se je zvrstil in brutalno, s svojimi fascističnimi vrstami, opresal, dobro poslušalce, ko jo želel skončiti. Hvala. Hvala. Hvala

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