In this interview, Dennis Prager and former White House press secretary Sean Spicer discuss a range of topics that blend personal anecdotes with political analysis. The conversation opens with Spicer confirming his quarter‑final appearance on ABC’s Dancing with the Stars, leading to a humorous exchange about his lack of rhythm and how he leveraged his campaign skills for the show. They segue into Spicer’s parenting philosophy, emphasizing honest feedback over a trophy‑culture for children. Spicer recounts an early career internship that taught him the importance of aligning work with personal interests. The bulk of the interview centers on Spicer’s new book, Radical Nation: Joe Biden and Kamala Harris’s Dangerous Plan for America. Spicer argues that Biden is pursuing a transformative, progressive legacy—seeking massive government expansion, a $1‑$3 trillion spending package, DC statehood, court‑packing, and open borders—to cement his place in history, a direction Prager characterizes as radical rather than merely left‑leaning. They compare this ambition to what a hypothetical Nancy Pelosi presidency might look like, concluding that Pelosi would be more incremental and institutional, whereas Biden seeks a historic progressive imprint. Throughout, the tone remains conversational and lightly humorous, but the political commentary is sharply critical of Democratic policies and leadership ambitions.
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Now host of Spicer and Company, which airs weeknights at 6 PM Eastern on Newsmax. I am amazed to read, and tell me, Sean Spicer, if this is accurate. I am reading, uh, your book jacket. You were a quarterfinalist on ABC's— he's laughing already. Let me finish, let me finish. Because nobody knows about— not nobody, most people don't know what it is. You were a quarterfinalist on ABC's Dancing with the Stars. Is that correct?
It is.
So you're a serious dancer.
Then that means you didn't watch Dennis Prager.
That's a good point.
What I am is a serious campaigner. And I realized when they approached me about the show, they said half of the vote are judges' scores and the other half is getting votes by, you know, audience votes. And I said, well, I can't dance, but I can campaign, so I can take care of at least half of it. And that's what I did.
Yeah, come on, don't be modest. You probably dance very well. So the question on the table is, I have a few, and then we're gonna get to your important book. I wanna understand, did you dance, for example, in high school?
Dennis, this is not a joke, this is not hyperbole. My wife and I took, like about a group lesson before our wedding 16 years ago. And it was at this public thing, learn how to dance, and so we went down. And neither one of us were very good. We left about 20 minutes in. For our wedding dance, we twirled around for about 15, 20 seconds, and then we invited everyone in and we stopped. I literally have no rhythm. In the 6th grade, I played drums because my parents had bought me a used set. Mr. Mara, if he's still alive, looked up from the bottom of the band floor and said, Spicer, you have the sense of beat of a steamroller, get out. Now, that was 40-something years ago and it is seared in my memory, but that is the degree of my artistic and musical and rhythm that exists in me, which is zero. So no is the answer to your question.
You're cracking me up. By the way, I want to make a point, a very serious point about the guy who insulted you about your not having a sense of rhythm. So I want people to know, especially young people listening, it was routine for adults to describe us accurately, something you have not encountered if you are under 40 years of age, certainly under 30. When I made my high school basketball team The coach announced, we really scraped the bottom of the barrel. Prager made the team.
But you're right, people could say those things then. They can't do it now. Yes.
And we're the better for it.
Well, you know what? Here's the funny thing is, I, I, here's the two things that I would say to you. One is I didn't pursue artistic stuff. They were honest with me, which is, this is not your calling. And God forbid I'd wasted any more time doing something that that didn't allow me to find things that I was better at. So I think that was good. Two is, you know what, it made me stronger. I just think your point is we're all about like, everyone gets a trophy.
Right. We were not treated as delicate.
Right.
It's not a good way to treat kids.
I know, because then they grow up one day and they think they've been told that they're really good and someone starts hearing them play the drums and they're like, man, that's horrible.
So do you have kids? Do you have kids?
I do.
And do you treat them delicately?
No, I tell them when they played well, I tell them they played well. And then when they don't, I'll say, hey, I know you tried, but you know, that wasn't your best outing and we're going to try again and we're going to work harder and we're going to run practice. But that's what I want them to know is that you don't have to win every time. You can try harder. Sometimes, frankly, it's not even a question of trying hard. There are things you're not good at.
Yes, that's correct. That is right.
You know what, but that— but there is something that you are going to—
That's right, both are true. That's exactly right.
It was funny, I was in college, and this is the example I give a lot of young people. I was going off to Washington, D.C. for a semester, and I took this internship. It was called at the time the Government Affairs Institute or something, and a guy who had just come back at my college a year ahead of me had suggested it. He said, I had a wonderful internship, you would love it. He, you know, and so I turned down all of these other things that I thought I would like. And I, um, I finished the internship and I wrote my final paper on why I hated my internship and I got an A. And the point that I tell people is what I learned is that what he liked wasn't what I liked.
And that's sometimes finding out what you don't like and what you're not good at.
Right. And I didn't— he was a researcher.
Well, this is great stuff. Sean Spicer's new book is I Do Not Have Rhythm, and it was the next one. Actually, the book just come out is very important. Radical Nation: Joe Biden and Kamala Harris's Dangerous Plan for America. And he is exactly the person to write such a book. So let me ask you about these two. Does— here's my bottom line, and you may differ, and I beg you to differ if you do, and that this is my bottom line. It is irrelevant what Democrat is president or what Democrat is vice president. They are interchangeable in their leftism. That's my position.
I disagree.
Good. That— I'm glad. Go ahead.
So look, I agree prior to Joe Biden, and part of the point of the book is this. I think all of us thought that Joe Biden would stay in the guardrails of a Democrat, meaning that he was going to be what Clinton and Obama were and be a little bit to the left of, on the left side of the road, but within the guardrails. Joe Biden understands something, which is that time is short. He has a Republican, I mean, a Democratic Senate and a Democratic House. He wants to cement the legacy to say to Barack Obama, you may have been the first Black president, but I will be the most progressive president That's what I promised the American people. And he gets it. He wants to outdo FDR. And you don't, you know, you will have a string of Democratic presidents going back through history and people will study them and remember them. What Biden wants is a legacy. And his legacy is big government. He wants to have more programs, more spending. And I argue in the book, that's why I call it Radical Nation, not just leftist nation. It's a radical nation. They want to make D.C. a state, pack the courts, allow people over the southern border, enact more and more spending. And we're talking trillions of dollars of spending in one bill. This is not John Kennedy. This is not Bill Clinton. This is Joe Biden trying to cement a progressive legacy that will be admired for decades, if not generations, by folks on the left. And he gets it. Understand this, Dennis, that when he said he would be the most progressive president ever, 3 Fridays ago in an interaction with the press, he said this, quote, If we pass my 1.2 and 3.5 pieces of legislation, we will fundamentally transform the structure and nature of the economy. That's not tinkering around. Transform— who asked for this? I didn't. I don't even think most Democrats did. No one wanted to transform the structure and nature. But he understands this. If he does it, if more people become addicted to government, which is what he wants, then he will have fundamentally transformed something that will be part of his legacy forever.
Well, that was a very thoughtful response. So let me—
that means a lot coming from you. I mean, you know, I, I, I, you know, I— knowing your videos and how well you think about things, to even somewhat impress you is quite an honor.
That's very sweet of you to say. So it does though. So let me pursue it. So, okay, let us say Nancy Pelosi were president. Would things be different?
Maybe in the sense that Pelosi wants deals. She'll go incrementally to the left. But I think that Biden has waited his whole life to be president and that he wants— he has dreamed of a legacy. I don't know that Pelosi— I mean, she's never even hinted at running for president. Granted, it's way past her time. But I think that she is more of an institutionalist. She wants to grow government, sure, but I don't think she's ever thought to herself, I want to go down in history as the most progressive.
That's a very interesting response. We may not even differ. You may have changed my mind, to be honest, because I agree with you. I think he stands for nothing. Except for making a name. And to make a name as the most quote-unquote progressive president in history is something that apparently, uh, is important to him.
