BBM’s Drugs & Corruption: Is the Philippines Ready to Host ASEAN 2026? W/Anna Malindog-Uy

Hello everybody and welcome to Geopolitical Trends, where truth matters. I'm your host, Dr. Oualaalou. Excited to be with you. Good evening and good afternoon, whatever part of the world you're in. But I'm even more excited because I have my dear friend, uh, Professor Anna Malindag is here with me. We're gonna be addressing a very, very sensitive topic pertaining to really not only the future of the Philippines as it's going to be chairing the next summit of ASEAN 2026. But there are also other issues we're going to be addressing, and Professor Anna was kind enough to allocate time for us. Let me bring in Anna here. Hi, Anna.

Hi, David. Dr. David, thank you so much again for having me in your program. And hello to our audience and to everyone who's coming from different parts of the world.

Good morning, good evening, And good day to everyone, and especially for my viewers in the Philippines. They are watching live. I can see in the chat there are people from the Philippines joining us here. So right off the bat, I, I'm very excited. I want to share this with you, community. You know, Professor Anna just defended the first stage of her PhD dissertation. It is a big step to those who know how the process for a PhD. So I'm very excited for you. Anna, that's soon you're gonna be done, and I hope to be the first one to have an interview with you in which I'm gonna call you by your soon title, Dr. Anna Malendog. So I can't wait for that, I can't wait for that. So very, very excited. So to those who do not know who Anna is, Professor Anna Malendog is a PhD candidate at the Institute of South-South Cooperation and Development at Peking University, one of the most prestigious in China, and it is of course in Beijing. So she's also economist for a writer for the Manila Times, in addition to being a Deputy Secretary General for the Association for Philippines-China Understanding. So you can only imagine how hectic and crazy her schedule is, and yet she was kind enough. I'm very grateful, and I want you to know I don't take it for granted. I'm very grateful that you allocate time for us here, uh, to share your knowledge. So, so right, by the way guys, just to let you know, remember to join me today, uh, at 12:15 Central time for my conversation that I'm— for my analysis rather, I'm gonna be doing about what just took place between South Korea, China, and Russia. So I'm gonna put the link for you there. There are some incidents that took place, and I'm gonna be sharing it with you. So, all right, right off the bat, uh, Anna, we're gonna start with your overall assessments of where the Philippines stands today on the global stage since last time we spoke.

Yeah, I think, um, that is a very good starting point of our discussion, Dr. David, precisely because, um, if you— if, if, if we can went back to our discussion that was like, I think, 2— I think that was 2 weeks ago that we had, uh, we have— we discussed about the situation of the Philippines. And if you ask me if there's some kind of improvement at the moment, especially when you talk about economics, and even with— we talk about the massive corruption in government that the Marcos Jr. administration is being accused of, thus far there's none. There's no development, at least a positive development at the moment. Actually, the situation of the Philippines, especially economically speaking, is a bit— it's getting worse in, in many ways. Because if you look at the, uh, um, the World Bank, what you call World Bank forecast for the Philippines, from 6.5% of growth target, now it's lowered to 5.1%. That would be from 2025 to 2027. And World Bank is saying that if in any case the Philippines would like to be a middle income, to get the middle income status by which we would want to have, I think it will only happen around 2028. But these are just forecasts, David. This is not yet like, um, that's not cast in stone. It really depends on the domestic situation. And according to World Bank, based on the reports and forecasting, economic forecasting, the basic problem, or the one of the most fundamental reasons why this is the situation in terms of growth economic growth of the Philippines is massive corruption in government. And just a few days back, maybe 2 to 3 days ago, in terms also of what you call, um, bank loan growth, in 16 months it's the weakest despite there is a liquidity. And also there is an increase in what you call unemployment rate in the Philippines, 5%, from 3.8, I think, to 5%. And also there is an in— and our peso, the— in terms of currency Peso is at the lowest in our history as a country, 59.22%, as against the $1. That is not good for the economy, because when you talk about international trade, we use the dollar in terms of buying goods and even payment, you know, in, in terms. So our peso is at the lowest in our, in our history, and that's not good. And also, when you talk about health issues, it seems that there was a report at the moment that When you talk about HIV epidemic in Asia Pacific, the Philippines is showing some kind of increasing trajectory among countries in Asia Pacific, and that is an issue of health, and that's not good for us. Because if there is an epidemic, a higher— if the HIV rate will go up, it goes up, it means we will not be attractive in terms of as an investment destination and even as a tourist destination for other countries across the world. So these are just some of the, um, some kind of economic problems that we are facing. But that is just the economic side of it. You have also still a massive corruption in government. Until now, 5 months into the investigation of this massive corruption in government that has something to do with flood control, with, with, with PhilHealth, with PDIC insurance, all of this, until now no one is held accountable. At the moment. No one is jailed. All the politicians implicated in this massive corruption in government under Marcos Jr., they're not yet in jail. There's no, you know, solid cases against them. Everything is just talks, everything's just what you call investigation, but nothing happened to it. So in terms of— so that's why I think the, the trust rating of Marcos Jr. is plummeting from the last The thing that I saw, it's around 21%. 21% is very low when you talk about a president only in her— in his 3 years in office. And it's, yeah, almost more than 3 years in office. That's very low already, 21%. And also in Mindanao, it's even only one digit, I think, in Mindanao area, in region. And, and that would mean really that in terms of political capital, in terms of political legitimacy, Marcos I mean, Marcos' political capital is really going down, and, and that is not good because it means he doesn't have the trust of the people, um, in terms of whatever kind of policy he would want to push through. People would never trust him anymore. So this is— if you put everything together from the last time we talked, that was 2 weeks ago, and now, it seems like my country's situation is not getting better. It's getting worse. So that's why many people are not happy. There are— the anxiety is too high. And, you know, we will be chairing ASEAN by next month, actually, because now it's December. So 2026 comes in, in a month's time. So all of these problems we're facing as a country, as an economy. So the challenge is, are we really prepared to be the ASEAN chair? And on the other hand, one thing that you have to remember Um, I just read the report that $400 million US, our government is borrowing from ADB, Asian Development Bank, to finance what you call ease of doing business. So it means that some of the projects are, you know, would be funded by borrowing money from multilateral agency. But how can you pay for it when our debt is already 17? I think that the sovereign debt or the debt of the Philippines is already around 17 trillion. Yeah, not dollars, 17 trillion pesos.

But that is—

yeah, that's a lot. And we're still, you know, we're still borrowing because we're trying to finance some part, some programs of government. So I said, this is not going any better, it's actually going worse at the moment. So this is, um, I think this is a concern of every Filipino because at the end of the day It's the regular Filipino that will suffer if the country would go down the drain. So that is really the situation. This is not because I am against Marcos Jr. I'm a critic of Marcos Jr. This is really facts, and these are reported all across different media entity. So this is really the situation of the Philippines at the moment.

Well, even, even Anna, if you are criticizing— hypothetically, if you are Even if you are, that shows how much you care about your country. Criticism will not be looked into a negative way. Rather, it is a duty. It is, you know, somebody will be applaud for criticizing the government because he or she cares about his or her, uh, uh, country. And that's your case. I see. I don't see this, uh, criticism as a negative one. It's because you care for your country and you want it to do better. Simple as that. We have the same here. But, uh, to go back to— and we're gonna detail about the ASEAN in a minute here— but I want to go back to your point. And thank you for providing us this really, really overview of where the Philippines stands, especially when it comes down to the corruption that exists right now and the intensity, uh, for the calls for Marcos Jr. to step down. As a matter of fact, I looked at one survey, 2025, generally shows a significant decline in Marcos Jr.'s approval and trust rating. So, and here is my question for you, Anna. Do you foresee this trend to continue, assuming he does not step down?

I think so. I think the prediction, from my perspective, politically speaking, is this trend of his trust rating and, and approval rating, um, plummeting will continue until the end of his term, if he will stay in being president at the moment. Though there is really a call, there's a lot of calls coming from different sectors of government, even some business sector already saying like, you know, we need to have a change of leadership, we need to have a breathing space, we need to recalibrate the economy, um, we need to address massive corruption in government. I mean, there's a lot of problem. And even one thing that I forgot earlier to tell you 64, 64% of Filipino families cannot pay 10,000 hospital bill. 10,000, David, is equivalent to around $200 US. They cannot pay the bill unless they would borrow money. And that's way— that is really a hard situation for every Filipino. And the poverty rate is also going up. I mean, you know, the, the, the, the standard of living is going down. So for us I mean, it's an indication why his trust rating and approval rating is going down as well. I mean, as far as Marcos Jr. is concerned as president, so that's why there are clamor, you know, the clamor for him to step down is not because of anything. It's really all about the country that, you know, with all of these problems going on under your leadership, it means there's something wrong with your leadership. And if there's something wrong with that, the best thing that you can do is step down and let someone else handle that, that maybe can address all of this problem with still a lot of political capital and political legitimacy. Because Marcos Jr.'s political legitimacy, he can't deny it, it's really going down. 21% overall, I mean, across the country. But if you break it down, David, into regional level, in Mindanao, I think it's single digit. Imagine, single digit of, of legitim— political legitimacy and political capital. It means, as a president, the people does not trust you anymore. Whatever kind of programs, whatever kind of project, even if you say that, you know, you will jail every politicians implicated in massive corruption in government, people will not trust you anymore. Because the very first reason is the first family is implicated in this massive corruption of government. So if, if your integrity and credibility as the president is already tainted, the best course of action is really to step down. Plus the fact that there is a doubt about his capability to make decisions, like lucid and, and, and, and really, um, well-thought-out decision, precisely because of the accusation even of her— his own sister— that he is a drug dependent. So all of this, you know, and, and for me, it's not because I'm a critic. And as I said, there's no problem in criticizing people in government because I voted for him. It's my responsibility to call him out. No, I don't deny it. From the very start that we had this conversation, every now and then, I voted for him, I campaigned for him. So it's also my responsibility to call him out. Precisely because I voted for him. This is not anymore going somewhere good. You need to be accountable, and the best way forward for the country is for you to step down and, you know, give— you know, let someone address the problem. And maybe, you know, there's a chance for the country to reshift, recalibrate, you know, um, have, uh, have a, have, have a live, uh, have that space that maybe it can solve one by one different problems, especially on corruption in government. So this is really the situation. So there are other people in the Philippines who are sometimes trying to tell, uh, accuse me that, you know, just because you're, you're supporting the vice president, you're criticizing and you're calling for, for BBM, for Marcos Jr. to step down. I said no, it's not about Sara, it's really about the country. The country really is bleeding to the core. I mean, if it's bleeding, there's an issue of leadership. It means the leadership is not working. It's time to change. So that's really the case.

Yeah, otherwise, otherwise it will further sink into the abyss, which is not fair for the average Filipino person, you know, average Filipino citizens. Uh, you know, I, I read from a distance as to really how the conditions are in the Philippines and We've always knew Philippines is not this rich, massive rich country, but have always been people being there, being comfortable, living a moderate life. And but now where conditions are economically speaking and politically speaking with the, with the President Marcos Jr., it behooves him to think in terms of the welfare of the country, as you well articulated. And speaking of the issue of drugs, by the way, while I'm gonna share this with I didn't keep the recording. I was in possession of a recording— this might shock you, Anna— when he was handed drugs during a meeting. Oh, I don't know what it was. It was some sort of, uh, you know, I saw the recording myself and it was like alarming. It was some sort of— I couldn't authenticate that recording. That's why I didn't want to share it because I wasn't certain of it. I'm gonna dig into that just to find out. But just, you, you brought up a good point about the issue of drugs. So now let's, uh, let's move on into addressing now the ASEAN issue. Before I'll do this, I'm gonna ask you off the bat, before I'll play one particular clip, in your opinion, given how the conditions of the country is under the poor leadership of President Marcos Jr. Do you think Philippines is up to the task to chair the next ASEAN Summit, which will be in 2026? Can you hear me?

Yeah, yeah. Do I have— do you— will you show a clip, or I will answer?

Okay, we can, we can do the clip first, except the clip has to do with when Marcos Jr. attack— when President Marcos attacked China on a forum in ASEAN. So let's, let's play the clip and, and here, and, and we'll take your— we'll have your reaction to it.

Yeah. President Bongbong Marcos criticizes China anew for its illegal activities in the South China Sea at the Association of Southeast Asian Nations summit and related summits in Malaysia. He also uses the summits as a platform to inform leaders of the harassment faced by Filipinos in the region. During his intervention at the ASEAN-US Summit on Sunday, October 26, Marcos expressed his deep concern over the dangerous maneuvers and coercive actions that interfere with legitimate Philippine activities in the West Philippine Sea. A copy of Marcos' intervention speech was provided to reporters only on Monday, October 27, throughout his intervention.

Okay, and I, uh, I give credit to this particular, uh, video to RTVM. So that's their video there. So first of all, was it appropriate of Marcos— President Marcos Jr., you give him even though, you know, proper title— was, was it appropriate of him to bring in the issue of China while dealing with ASEAN issues?

I think, because I believe the South China Sea issue is a regional issue in many ways, you know, because it's not necessarily only an issue between the Philippines and China. I've always emphasized this. So in bringing the South China Sea issue, I think as far as we are concerned as a country, really, it's legitimate. As an ASEAN or as a regional issue. However, the problem is how you, how you bring it up in the context of ASEAN, especially if, if, you know, the forum is more about— the discussion is more about economics, not necessarily geopolitics or security. But I would agree that, you know, bringing it on the ASEAN level just to discuss it is okay for me. As far as I'm concerned, it's okay. However, The manner of how you present the issue, the tone, the texture, it matters a lot. It matters a lot. Why? Precisely because in ASEAN there is such a thing as ASEAN behavior or ASEAN culture that you need not be antagonistic. You know, that is very important in ASEAN. You have to be very constructive. You have to put ASEAN centrality at the forefront when you talk about geopolitical issue or security issues that has something to do with the region and with ASEAN countries vis-à-vis external partners like China, the United States, and even Russia and the rest. That's how ASEAN is now. So in that sense, the problem with Marcos Jr. during the ASEAN summit in Kuala Lumpur is the manner of, of presenting the South China Sea issue. I think lambasting China in that venue, in that in that situation is not within the expectation for an ASEAN state like the Philippines. I think presenting it like, for example, that it's a regional issue, that we need to solve the problem domestically, peacefully, diplomatically speaking, through negotiations, and we need to push for the Code of Conduct in the South China Sea with China and the rest of ASEAN, I think is okay. But lambasting China, accusing China so many things. I think that was the, that was, I think, the, the problem. Because I don't, I did not, well, I don't think China was happy, and I also don't think that the rest of ASEAN member state, member states were happy at that time hearing from Marcos Jr. in that manner. So that's, that's my analysis on this issue, because I believe as the South China Sea issue is really a regional issue, and it's, it's a bilateral issue between claimant states and China and among claimant states. However, it's more a regional issue at the same time. So it's really the manner, you know, there are always a way of presenting your grievances or your, your, your issue against another country or against ASEAN or against an external power as far as ASEAN is concerned, like China, a partner, in a way that you will be understood and in a way that you will gain leverage rather than other countries will just be irritated just because you did it the wrong way. So that's, I think, my contention in the manner of the delivery of that speech. And lambasting China is not the way to go, actually. Yeah, it's not the way to go.

And you are absolutely right. You're absolutely right, Anna. You're absolutely right. You know why? Because Vietnam and Cambodia had talks behind closed doors with the Chinese and resolved the issue of certain island, to my knowledge. Yes, please correct me if I'm wrong. Yes, correct me if I'm wrong. So when you look at— you're absolutely correct about the behavior in itself. That's why I wanted to bring this up, to highlight the idea of the forum for the ASEAN wasn't about starting to talk, uh, bashing China or whatever. It was about addressing the economic issues. And this leads us to the next point, Anna, is whether, in your opinion, the Philippines, given the current conditions economically, politically, socially, and otherwise, whether in your opinion the Philippines is really up to the task of chairing the next ASEAN Summit 2026 in Manila?

Ah, that's a very, very good question, David, and I think this is a very relevant question at the moment since we only have a month to go before 2026. January already, next month, 2026, it's another year. And yes, we will be the chair of ASEAN as a country, the Philippines. Now, as I've discussed earlier, the Philippines at the moment are suffering or hampered by many issues domestically speaking and even geopolitically speaking. First, when you you talk about domestic situation, we have a weak institution, we have a governance problem of massive corruption in government, we have falling FDI, or, you know, our FDI is going down. We have so many economic problems we're facing that, and we have uneven economic fundamentals. These are domestic. Geopolitically speaking, we are the front line of the United States when you talk about this strategic rivalry between China and, and, and the United States in the Indo-Pacific region or the Asia-Pacific. So we're the frontline, and it's very obvious the foreign policy of Marcos Jr. is leaning to the United States. It's not neutral, it's very much like influenced and actually within the control of the United States. So this is really the picture of the Philippines, both domestically and regionally speaking, or geopolitically speaking. So now the question is, would the Philippines be ready, you know, of hosting and hosting, and would, would it be able to really host the ASEAN chairmanship under a Marcos Jr. government? So I would address this issue by saying that technically, technically, um, the Philippines can and will host the ASEAN 2026 chairmanship, rather. So technically, meaning, you know, the procedures, the mechanical going through of having meetings When is the summit going on in the Philippines and all of that, you know, the technical preparation. However, when you talk about the substantial aspect of it, that is the more— I think that is where the challenge of chairing ASEAN under a Marcos Jr. government. It's because, um, it's because if you look at Marcos Jr. at the moment, um, he has what you call declining legitimacy, which will affect the quality and the credibility of our chairmanship as a country in ASEAN. It will affect because, I mean, first and foremost, the way regional countries and even, I think, ASEAN counterparts see Marcos Jr. geopolitically speaking is a puppet of the United States or the Zelenskyy of Asia. So that impacts quality and credibility as ASEAN chair because ASEAN really always promotes what you call ASEAN centrality. That, you know, an ASEAN neutrality in all of this geopolitical issue. So that is also an issue of credibility, geopolitically speaking, and that affects what you call our global standing as far as chair of ASEAN next year. So that's one. Second is Marcos Jr., with a plummeting, um, what you call, um, trust rating and approval rating, I think he will have what you call less political capital and even less political legitimacy when you talk about pushing both regional initiatives. Because as ASEAN chair, you will be pushing for regional initiatives, regional projects. But if other countries in the region, especially our ASEAN brothers, you know, and ASEAN family, will look, look at Marcos Jr. without any kind of political capital already, or political legitimacy, precisely because of so many issues that he, he is implicated, plus the, the drug dependency How can he push for some kind of regional initiative that would serve the Philippines' interests and also serve the regional interests of other ASEAN member states? And how would he get political legitimacy in terms of credibility and integrity as far as partners, external partners of ASEAN, is concerned, like China, the United States, Australia? Oh no, all of these countries, especially, um, Asian countries, that is a very important factor, I think, that, I mean, the Marcos Jr. administration and the whole Philippines should be thinking about before next year. The other one is, you know, as I've said earlier, domestic instability. Maybe, you know, in the Philippines, David, you are following our situation, every now and then there is like, uh, there's like, um, how do you call that, um, rallies, demonstration all over the country clamoring for accountability and transparency, and also because of economic problems, scandal, elite fighting, you know, the feud of political politicians and all of that. This may overshadow or disrupt ASEAN activities that will be pushed through inside my country because this, this happens every now and then. So there is such a thing as political instability in the country. So this is another challenge in, in, of the country when it assumes official activities of as a chair of ASEAN. And the other one is Another important aspect of it is ASEAN— how ASEAN peers or ASEAN counterparts would see the Philippines. Maybe symbolically they would say, ah, okay, the Philippines is the chair of ASEAN, it's important. But, but actually they would also have at the back of their mind, um, is there such a thing as legitimacy to Marcos Jr.? Is there such a thing as political capital still in Marcos Jr.? I don't think so. So you have this kind of perception that maybe ASEAN leaders will not say publicly, but at the back of their minds, it's there. So when you talk about the Philippines, um, when you talk about the Philippines, uh, with reference to its ASEAN chairmanship next year and how it is being viewed globally, um, you can see that domestically, Marcos Jr. and his whole government is very weak politically, legitimacy-wise, and political capital. And we are also in the center of what you call geopolitics, or power politics of major powers. So in a way, as Marcos Jr.'s government or administration enters ASEAN 2026 chairmanship, there's what you call a shrinking mandate and politically vulnerable presidency factors that will limit Manila's ability to translate its strategic position into real regional leadership. And also there will be a limitation for us as a country to regain what you call, um, legitimacy, diplomatically speaking. Yeah, this is really the situation, David. I'm not kidding, it's very hard.

Well, especially when you consider what you mentioned about the political aspect, when you consider what, uh, last week Antonio Carpio suggested, which we will get into that, we will get into that in a minute because I was able to read your, your arguments regarding that, and he made the— it made sense to me for what he was calling for. And we will be addressing him in, in a second here. But I want to go back to ASEAN because I want to highlight some key aspects. There are those who are saying, well, the Philippines is living up to the standards of ASEAN. However, there are others who are saying, wait a minute, look at just its economic conditions, look at just the challenges the Philippines is facing. Like, for example, in infrastructure, they're trying to catch up, and there is a push inside the Philippines now to catch up with more developed ASEAN nations. But it looks like the Philippines is not capable of doing that due to massive corruption internally that is hindering any future progress. The other aspect that Philippines has but it's not using to its advantage has to do with demographics. Yes, the young English-speaking full workforce in Philippines presents a major economic advantage, but the government of Marcos Jr. is not taking advantage of that by using it for the sake of the country. To sort of attract investments. This is why you don't have massive foreign direct investments inside the Philippines, because of this, you know, the corruption, the slow growth, which is only— I think didn't exceed— please correct me if I'm wrong— it didn't exceed 5%. No, which is very low in comparison to other Asian.

4%, David Oualaalou, last quarter. Yeah, 4.0, I think, last quarter.

So, so, so is this means that economically speaking, the Philippines is ranked like in low tiers of the ASEAN country when it comes down to health and development indicators?

Um, David, if you— if we talk about if the Philippines is living up to the ASEAN standards, I don't think we are in that situation, to be very honest and frank. It's not because I'm— because I'm not blind to the situation of my country, but as far as I'm concerned, I wanted to be up to that standard of ASEAN and to be, to be number one in ASEAN in terms of economic development. If only I can have a magic wand, I want to do it and resolve all the problems. But you know, it's not like that. The reality is not like that at the moment. In terms of development, the Philippines is not living up to ASEAN's aspirational standards. This is the reality. It, it's like it sits in the middle of the region, the whole regional composition of ASEAN. It's better in a certain extent. I think it's better when you talk— if you compare it development-wise and economic-wise, it's better compared to some countries in ASEAN, like for example Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and even I think East Timor, because East Timor is part— is now part of ASEAN. However, you have to remember Cambodia— I've been to Cambodia many times this year— it's really catching up and it's really trying to push. Sometimes I'm afraid that Cambodia will surpass the Philippines, to be very frank. Because Cambodia is quite stable compared to us politically speaking, and it has a lot of investment coming from Korea. Number one is China, and in terms of infrastructure. But at this time, we are still economically and development-wise higher than countries like Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and East Timor-Leste. However, we're very far, we're very far, David, when you talk about economic and development from countries like Singapore, Brunei, Malaysia, Thailand, and Vietnam. It's really the truth. And, and you know what, in the 1970s, David, we are number one in, in ASEAN, number one or number two in ASEAN, and we're above all of these leading countries in ASEAN like Singapore, Malaysia, Brunei, Thailand, and Vietnam. And what happened to us? And even few decades back, few decades back, we are even above Vietnam, and but Vietnam is surpassed us already. In terms of many aspects, especially when you talk about GDP, economic growth. That is really the case. And when you talk about human development, David Oualaalou, um, human development meaning how we, how we, we capacitate our, our human capital, which is basically we have a young population that we should maximize and we should facilitate in terms of education, better education, scholarship abroad, so that they can be very good and they can specialize We are, in terms of Human Development Index, my country is 117th globally. That's too low. It's below the average. It's below the ASEAN average, showing that despite some kind of what you call progress, it is not catching up with faster-moving countries like Singapore, Brunei, Malaysia, and Thailand. We are below ASEAN average when you talk about Human Development Index. And that is crazy. I cannot accept it, to be very frank with you. It's so hard to accept that my country is below ASEAN standard. When you talk about health, we are still in this process of incomplete universal health coverage. And even right now, when you talk about health, there is even an issue of our PhilHealth. It's like an insurance, a government insurance company, or a corporation. It's a state corporation, you know. That Marcos Jr.'s government, even the savings or what you call reserves fund, was— they transferred it to the National Treasury, around 60 billion pesos, and they put it somewhere that it should not be. So now there's a ruling coming from the Supreme Court saying that, you know, Marcos' government should return it because it's unconstitutional, and it's supposed to be used for the health of the poor people in my country. But, you know, these are also subject to corruption. Even the health sector is also being corrupted by this government of Marcos Jr. So, you know, this is crazy, you know, this is really crazy. And when you talk about, um, child development, there's such a thing, an issue of child stunting. It's 20.7%. And there is such a thing as even the HIV, or, you know, the HIV rate is going up in Asia Pacific as far as my country is concerned. And you know what, David, who are the victims? And in terms of number of this HIV rate going up, many of that are young people, not old people, but younger generation, precisely because of, you know, there is such a thing as a high level of prostitution going on precisely because of poverty and adolescent pregnancy. These are happening, and these are worst when you talk about ASEAN. We are at a little bit— we're not a little bit, really worst among ASEAN member states in terms of health-related issues, combine everything. So, you know, when you talk about this problem, and if you ask me if we are at par at what you call ASEAN standards and ASEAN goals, I don't think we are. We really— I don't think we are. So precisely because, again, if you look at us domestically speaking, we're facing structural problems, and one of that would be weak governance massive corruption in government, poor implementation, political instability, quarreling of politicians that does not lead to anything. Then we have a fiscal mismanagement of our finances, and well, many of it are being corrupted by those people in government. And actually, there is such a thing as rich, uh, a wide, um, gap between the poor and the, and the extremely rich people in the Philippines. So this is really real problems, real problems under a Marcos Jr. government. I'm not saying, David, that this is only happening under Marcos Jr. government, but I would say that because of the inefficiency, ineffectiveness, massive corruption in government of Marcos Jr.'s government, this has been— all of this have been aggravated up to the unprecedented level. And that's the one who suffers from all of this are Filipinos, including myself, because I pay my taxes. I'm a Filipino. You know, it's so difficult to be a Filipino at this time, to be very frank with you.

Well, that's why, that's why, Anna, when you finish your PhD officially, I'm assuming, you know, it will be a role for you inside that country's government to steer things. Since you can— since just FYI for the community to know what Professor Anna's background, academically speaking, It's in economics. So her PhD is focused in an area in economics, which makes perfect sense for you to play a role inside the government to steer your country in the right direction. So, so I'm gonna ask the community one question. Would you guys prefer to see Professor Anna Malindog taking a part in the Filipino government future ones? Yes or no? Please answer this one, especially for my Filipino viewers. You know, to me, I look at it, you know, that's the whole idea for, you know, why are you acquiring the degree to begin with? Is to be put to use. You know, we all go through academia, so, for a reason, not because we want to have a title, sort of a certificate on a wall. Who cares for that? You know, I don't have one here, by the way.

I don't care.

But also, you want to put the knowledge into use. For serving other people. In your case, the Philippines in a dire needs of really honest, qualified, educated, and, and, and, and sort of hard ethical individuals to steer it in the right direction, because where it's going is very, very bad in my opinion.

That's really true. Oh, of course. And I would encourage other Filipinos who are also, um, having their degrees and they're specializing in certain aspects, you know, like for example, maybe in economics, maybe in social and health, that they should go back to the country, to the Philippines, and serve the country. Because right now, David, one of our problems actually as a country, we have what you call brain drain. Many, many brilliant Filipinos would leave the country precisely because they're so tired of the situation, tired of the political situation, tired of there's no opportunity, tired that they work hard but they don't get the, you know, the recognition that deserve them, the compensation that deserve, but they would work abroad., and they would be recognized abroad. So for me, it's also another problem that we have. And you cannot blame these Filipinos why they opt to go out of the country and work there. You cannot, because they are human beings. They want to have a good life, life, and they want to have a good life for their families, for their children. So, but of course, on my side, I want to encourage our Filipino compatriots from different countries who are, you know, really good in, in, in their own respective fields that The country, you know, needs this kind of people, this kind of talents, and I hope that they would also consider, you know, working for the country. And I, uh, especially if there's a more stable political situation.

Yeah, well, let me, let me share quickly with you on the screen what some members of my community are saying about you here regarding— there are some in, in Filipino language, I don't speak it, like for example this one. I don't understand. What does it mean?

Um, NEDA, head of NEDA. NEDA is the economic, it's the economic think tank of the Philippines. It's more on— yeah, yeah.

There is another one here. Most of them are— but this to the question, just to let you know, uh, just to let you know, uh, what, what the community is thinking in terms of how they're seeing, uh, one of them is saying yes, but not under BBM.

Oh yeah, no, no, no, I cannot work.

No, no, no, I don't see—

most of the time discuss with him, debate with him, and we'll tell him, sir, you're wrong, and I better get in the government.

Yeah, so, so just to highlight to you, this is what the community is thinking about. So, so before we move into our next segments, which we're going to be talking about this particular individual here Let me just play a quick clip here and we'll resume with this. Liking this video so far? Don't just be a watcher. Go ahead and hit the like, share, and subscribe button. And don't forget to tap the bell so you will not miss any of my videos or live streams. This way, you will be supporting a channel that stands for the truth and objective reporting. The choice is yours. Thanks for your support. Indeed. Uh, before we move into talking about, uh, uh, Carpio's statements, uh, I, I just want to mention to the community, uh, his statements is only aggravating the situations in that part of the world, given what just happened between Japan and China, which, by the way, I did a video yesterday for the community. To those who have, uh, missed this one, I'm gonna put the link in the chat box for you should you want to, uh, watch that one later on. So, and I will be also addressing this particular issue from a different perspective with what just happened yesterday between South Korea, China, and Russia. Yes, there's something— South Korea is rattled, and, and I'm gonna be doing an analysis about it. So to bring this up to the question for you, Anna, because you addressed this one, and spot on, yeah, I read your post regarding this one about, uh, Antonio Carpo, who suggested using BrahMos, which is a supersonic missiles, to increase the Philippines defense posture in South China Sea. It looks to me— and please correct me if I'm wrong— it looks to me that like this guy's call is almost equivalent to what's going on in Ukraine. Yes. Would I be wrong in that assessment?

No, actually the first statement he said is the BrahMos missile, and then he also said that, you know, the Philippines should acquire more nuclear capability for us as a deterrence to the South China Sea, uh, as far as China is concerned over the dispute in the South China Sea. I was like, what's wrong with him? He is supposed to know the Constitution of the country because he was a former Justice of the Supreme Court. And the basic— I mean, basic for any lawyers, for that matter, is to know the constitution and the basic provision of the constitution. And the basic— one of the basic fundamental, um, provision of our constitution, which is the basic law of the land of the Philippines, is we cannot— we, we should never, um, allow the country to, to, to harbor or even to— for any deployment of what you call nuclear weapons. We should be a nuclear-free country. We should have an independent foreign policy. And one thing that he remembers— he is a Supreme Court justice, former Supreme Court justice— in ASEAN level, at the ASEAN level, we are a founding member of ASEAN and also a member of ASEAN. There's such a thing as a zone of peace that ASEAN, the ASEAN region, should be free from nuclear weapons. So I said, why would you ask You know, why would you float an idea that, you know, the Philippines need nuclear weapons for it to have deterrence capacity vis-à-vis China when you talk about the South China Sea? When in fact I said, when even, even strategically speaking, militarily speaking, uh, security-wise, even if we have one nuclear weapon, we will never be at par with China in terms of nuclear heads. We can never. So that is so futile and that's so stupid. To even say, you know, for him to say, to say these things. And then suddenly out of the blue, after a week or a few days after, he would say, oh, the Philippines is not at war with China, so Filipinos can still trade with China. Are you kidding me? After you have said those statements against China, and then you will say we can have trade with China? Do you really think the Chinese are stupid? Of course not.

Yeah, of course not. Yeah.

People like him, he is irrelevant when you talk about the South China Sea dispute. He's not part of the solution, he's a part of the problem. That's how I analyzed him.

You're absolutely correct, because when you argued in that post, which is very— it's right here, guys, just Anna posted this one here— and I couldn't agree more when you said, and I quote, the Chinese are not gullible like him, while the likes of Carpio trying to be relevant when actually he is irrelevant and not part of the solution to the South China Sea dispute between Philippines and China. If Filipinos listen to him, Philippines is doomed. That I can tell you frankly, folks. And also, you said when it comes to the South China Sea dispute, Carpio is losing it. You have one good point also in this particular post, Anna, when you mentioned, and I quote, better for him to focus on domestic issues and help the Filipino people get the justice they deserve due to massive corruption in Marcos Jr.'s government. If he is brave enough to fight those in Malacanang, and if he truly is for the Philippines and for the Filipino people, he should file legal case against corrupt politicians implicated in massive corruption in the government. In that way, he is being a former, uh, South, South, uh, Supreme Court Justice. Justice. Supreme Court Justice will be useful to the Philippines. Yeah, you're spot on. You're spot on with that, with that post. And I think it makes more sense. This is where I always have a concern personally, when non-politicians get involved in situations like this. What qualifies him to be talking about the the defense posturing, the nuclear aspects of that. Yeah, that's to me raising red flags.

Yes, as to somebody like that, understanding of geopolitics or even, um, how international relations is conducted really. And especially when you talk about security and strategic issues like nuclear weapons, he doesn't understand this. He doesn't even understand the capacity of the Philippines militarily speaking vis-à-vis China and even vis-à-vis the ASEAN states. You can never say these things just lightly because it has implications. And if you said— if you say these things, it—

it—

there's such a thing as signaling. What kind of signal do you— do you post to China? And do you really think it's good for my country, the Philippines? Of course not.

No.

And then suddenly you flip, you're saying like, oh, we can trade with China, as if the decision to trade with China and China will agree just because you— he said it. Of course not. So this kind of— that's why on my side is, you are a former Supreme Court Justice. Your, your, your, your— how do you call that— your competencies maybe should be used properly and useful for the Filipino people in the Philippines. The country is facing massive corruption in government. Many are implicated, and all— most of them are in government. And even Marcos Jr. is implicated in, in all of this sense. Said maybe he could use his expertise in law, domestic law, and then file cases. If you really want to serve the country as a retired Supreme Court justice, then probably you should try to help the Filipino people get the justice that they deserve because of this massive corruption in government that makes us make everything so difficult for the Philippines. So that is useful rather than, rather than, you know, interfering in an issue like the South China Sea defense and military strategic security-wise that he doesn't even understand really deeply all about this matter, and it just put the Philippines in a very precarious situation that is not good for us. So that's what regards to the Supreme Court Justice. I respect him as a lawyer, and I think I respect him as a former Justice of the Supreme Court, especially when you talk about domestic issues, uh, laws and how to interpret the law and, you know, adjudicating our domestic law. Yeah, you can be good at that, but don't interfere in something that is not within your competencies because that is a disservice. It's a disservice to say your piece and yet you don't even know the implication of what you're saying. That is not good for the country. I mean, I respect him. He's like an elder because he's way older than me. Yeah, but sometimes you have to call some elders to—

yeah, yeah, as the saying goes, Anna, you call a spade a spade. You call it as it is. So, so I'm glad you, you cleared that up. Uh, before we address the last, uh, portion of this, uh, conversation here, I have one other question. Economically speaking, I'd like to ask one question since you mentioned about the corruption in Marcos. And, and this I do not know, how deep, how deep is the family of Marcos Jr. When I say family, I'm referring to the wife and the closer involved in this corruption of the using the country's resources. Do you know anything about that?

Yeah, the allegations really against the Marcos, um, first family, you know, I mean, uh, like, uh, that would that would include the president himself, um, okay, the first lady, and I think the presidential son who is also a member of Congress. All of them are implicated in the massive corruption in government, especially when you talk about this flood control project, um, insertions in, in the, in the 2024 or 2024 budget, I think. And even, and even there are now reports coming out that it's not only the 2024 budget that had so many insertions that was pocketed and corrupted by politicians, including, including the first family being implicated. The first lady and the, the presidential son, the president, I think they are all allegedly implicated into this. But the problem is it's not only them. There is what you call an extended family, and that includes also the former House Speaker Martin Romualdez, which is the first cousin of the president. So that's, that's another thing. And also there are allegations at the moment that, you know, there are a lot of, um, what you call the, the, the region where they come from, the Marcos family, which is Ilocos region. And there are allegations and that, you know, it has to be investigated because there are a lot of corruption when you talk about infrastructure project, especially flood control. And it seems that this region are being spared from that investigation. So a lot of issues come, you know, are out there. And, and, and those people who are saying these things and implicating the First Family, especially the president and the presidential son, and even the First Lady— the First Lady, I think, is implicated on the issue of agriculture and the control of pricing, I think. And with his so-called— with his— with her brother, um, Michael Araneta, or someone something to that effect. I'm not sure. Allegedly, um, I think it's a brother that's saying that they are responsible for the control of the pricing of certain agricultural goods like onions. So something to that effect. So in a way, if you look at it, it's also an issue of corruption to a greater extent. So that's why I'm saying if, if the first family is implicated and it's It's Marcos Jr. who's really trying his best. He says he's trying his best to address corruption in government. Yeah, I think there's a problem to that because you are the one, and the whole of your family, including your, your friends in government, your— some of your government officials, or many of them, are implicated in this corruption issue. It's, it's, it's really hard for anyone who's— who have a thinking mind to, to, to believe that he is doing— he's, he's doing something to resolve the issue of corruption precisely because he's involved. So, you know, the best thing for him really is to inhibit from the investigation and let it be handled by something— by an— by, by a person or a quasi-government agency that is independent in every possible way. But there's no such thing. There's really no such thing. And you know what, David, there is what you call ICI. It's like, it's like the investigating body that was created by Marcos Jr. that will investigate this massive corruption in government. Now, even the members of this ICI is the— in the quasi-body that investigates so-called massive corruption government under the Office of the President, one of the members already resigned. Already, yeah, resigned from being part of that 3-man, um, investigators because he said nothing will happen to this, I'm wasting my time, uh, you know. So you see, even, even that member of the so-called ICI already left being part of it precisely because maybe he is not seeing something good out of it, or he, he believes that all of this will not be resolved because basically The people, you know, you know, it's, it's still at the end of the day, everything's still within the control of the president or of the— so, you know, this is really hard for Filipinos to believe that Marcos Jr. is trying to solve the problem because in the very first place, he and his family, extended family, friends, political allies, members of his cabinet, and members of his government are implicated So if you really want to solve this problem, you— if I am on his shoes, if I am Marcos Jr., what would I do? I will detach myself from all of these things and let someone handle it. A very, uh, a really independent, truly genuinely independent body should handle, and he should subject himself to all of the investigation without him being, being, you know, around. Or else that the best thing that he can do, if I am on his shoes I will re— I will step down. Why would I pursue something when in fact I don't have any trust at all anymore?

Do you think he will do it? Do you think he will resign?

He said that he will not resign. He said that he will continue until he finished his term, which is on the 28th of July. Technically speaking, it's really the end of his term is, is June 30, 2028. And the election will be around May of 2028. So he said that he would want to finish his term, that he will try his best to resolve the issues. But for me, it's really futile. How can you— like, for example, someone like me, do you really think I will buy the idea that he will resolve massive corruption in government when in fact he himself is part of it? He's part of it. And take note, the one who is implicating him is not just ordinary person, someone who is— who, who was a close ally of him, a close ally of his, a close ally of the former House Speaker, good friend before, someone who heads the Appropriations Committee of the House of Representatives. So do you really think this guy is, you know, is, is blubbering and doesn't have any kind of— there is no truth to what he's saying? Maybe let us say out of 100%, 60% are true. 40% maybe not. Let us say, let us say theoretically speaking, still at the end of the day, it's 60% truth, you know. Yeah, you see, this is, this is the, the, this is the really the gravity of the situation of the country. So that's why for me, uh, I don't, I don't have anything against Marcos Jr., to be frank with you, David, to be frank with everyone, and even to, to the, to the people watching this, this, this, this video and this, this discussion. I don't have anything against Marcus Jr. personally speaking, in whatsoever sense. I actually understand this situation to some extent as a person. If I analyze him and his family and everything that's going on about him, I understand where he is. And sometimes, to be very frank with you, I feel pity for him because he is a victim of his own family. He is really a victim of his own family. If you really analyze Marcus Jr. when he was young until now He's also a victim of his own family, especially the immediate family. So he's really also in a very difficult situation. It seems that he wants to stay in power, not necessarily because he wants to stay, because all people around him is saying, don't ever go down, you stay there, we— you need to stay there, you know. And even that's how I analyze him. So in a way, it's a mixed emotion on my side. I feel, yeah, I would like him to continue. I want him to to, to step down gracefully and peacefully. And I understand how difficult it is right now that he is in that position. He is criticized by most, almost everyone. Everything is pointing at him in terms of accusation, in terms that he is a corrupt president and all of this, allegedly speaking. I, I understand how difficult that position is, but, but at the end of the day, if you're really a person who thinks, you know, and really can see things clearly. You need to spare yourself from all of these attacks that will not stop. These things will never stop. The accusation, maybe the filing of cases after his term will happen, and it will be worse for him because people are so angry already. You know, the anger is accumulated to the point that people will not anymore see compassion. So So for me, as a person, as early as now, the Filipinos are still compassionate. There is anger, but it's not yet there at like at the top, at the height of everything. Yeah, you know, there's a way out, you know. And maybe there's a way to, you know, to put yourself in a more— in a better position than later. Because I, I'm afraid that what happened to his father may happen to him. You know, I mean, I'm just being honest about my assessment of Marcos Jr. I don't have anything against Marcos Jr. I don't have anything against, against the, the family, the first family. It's not about— it's not personal. It's really just about the country. As a Filipino, I see— as someone who understands politics, who understands geopolitics, international relations, and economics, I see it clearly that the country is not better off the country is worst off at his— under his administration. So there's a change of leadership that is needed, and that is really the case. So it's not about me being angry at Marcos Jr. No, it's not. Actually, I have compassion for him. If, if I am his sister, the same way as, as, as Imee Marcos, the same advice: it's futile. You need to step down. You need to find a way that you will be okay. You need to find a way that you will not be worst off after your term ends. Because, you know, I'm not kidding, there's a lot of Filipinos getting angry that maybe after his term ends, if he does not step down, he will face a lot of, you know, yeah, maybe different cases out of the blue, you know, things like this. Because that is— and that is— that would be— that's the logical conclusion, and that's the direction. Yeah, that's why I don't understand Why do you hang on to power? It's futile.

He may—

it's very futile, David. Even if he stays in power until the end of his term, he will still face consequences. He will still face accountability. And, you know, and it's more— the weight is, is, is heavier compared to what—

yeah.

And we all know the history of his father and how things ended. So to those who are not familiar with this, you might want sort of educate yourself about the history of Ferdinand Marcos. I remember I was following that back then, and I said, oh, where they are dragging this country. Even back then, I know when that, uh, especially when I read the reports at that time about Emilia— her name is Emilia, right? Yeah, Imelda. I'm sorry, the way she was, man, using the country's resources you know, uh, one, one picture, I— it still haunts me, that picture of her closet for shoes. Massive amount of shoes. And I said to myself, how many shoes can you wear? I mean, I mean, I just couldn't believe it. I just couldn't believe it. You know, we all have few pairs. Yeah, not in the hundreds. You know, how many?

Yeah.

And that's what I saw back then. And I said to myself, this is not a good sign for what lies ahead. I was looking over the horizon, Anna, as to the next 20, 25, 30 years, and here we are.

Ah, that's what I'm saying.

And this is why I'm seeing also the nepotism that exists. By the way, you mentioned about his cousin in Parliament, or was he elected or was he appointed?

No, he was elected. He was elected actually in our region, in my region, Eastern Visayas. I'm from Eastern Visayas, you know, it's the same region that I have. Actually, Marcos Jr. and Romualdez are like my— we belong to the same region, to the same regional, uh, and we call it the Eastern Visayas, Leyte and Samar. I'm— we are both Warays actually, because Imelda is Waray, the mother of President Marcos. Oh, so in a way, uh, there is this, uh, some kind of regional affinity as far as I'm concerned. So I, I understand the history of the Marcoses. And I understand the history of his, of her, of his mother, and even of the cousin and the Romualdis in Eastern Visayas. So in a way, I'm very familiar with all of these things. So for me, really, I mean, like, that's why I said it's, it's not because I, I, it's, it's not personal for me. It's really just all, it's about the country. If, if one really thinks hard what is the best for the country, then I think people will understand what I'm talking about and what I'm saying. At the moment. It's, it's not because I don't like— it's not a personal— it's not— has nothing to do with personal preferences. It's just the situation and the reality that we're facing as a country and what's the best for the country. And I don't— and I really don't think, objectively speaking, that with everything that happened in the last 3 years of a BBM or Marcos Jr. administration and leadership and the presidency that the country is better off. It's really not. It's really worse off at the moment, really. And if he continues to be in office with everything that we're facing, including political instability, because many people are against him. And I think today there was even a demonstration in front of the House of Representatives in one part of Manila, clamoring for his resignation, of course clamoring for accountability and transparency. In, in, when, especially when you talk about massive corruption in government, it's already— these are political instability. How do you, do you really think foreign direct investments will get into the country if they can see that every now and then there's pockets of demonstration, there are demonstrations everywhere in the country, and you know, there's massive corruption, and, and the leadership of the president has zero political capital and political legitimacy with 21% frustrating in his 3 years in office? Do you really think so?

Yeah, no stability. So yeah, we're good. Well, before— pardon me— before I give you a last word, uh, which I hope you can address it in the Filipino language, especially for my viewers in the Philippines, I just want you to know, the community, and especially my Filipino viewers, this is the reason why I always reach out to Professor Anna Manda, because You need to know and understand the complexities of what is going on because your livelihood, your well-being economically and otherwise depends on understanding that reality. And I couldn't find anyone better than Professor Anna Malindog to share this with you directly. So, so I'll give you a last word, Anna, uh, especially for my Filipino viewers watching from Philippines, uh, right now.

Okay, um, I'll speak in English, then I'll speak in our own language. Um, Dr. David, thank you so much again for, um, for this very, um, very engaging discussion. I really enjoyed it, and I, and I really hope that in my own little ways and in my own humble ways, I was able to clarify something, issues, and, you know, enlighten our audience, even they are not Filipinos, especially my Filipino compatriots in different parts of the world and in the Philippines about the critical issues of the country and what we have discussed today. I think these are important. I think what is important in this kind of discussion is for us Filipinos to have an— to be informed so that when we, when we make our choices, political choices, and when we make our decision as to how we're gonna participate as citizens, as part of our active citizenship in different critical issues of the country, We know where we stand because we understand the critical issues. We have to, because you cannot be just saying blah blah blah but you don't understand the issue. I think that's very important for every Filipino, and even, even, even for, for, for foreigners who are looking at the Philippines and trying to have an understanding of what's going on in my country. So I think this is very important. I— that's why as much as possible Despite being busy, every time Dr. David would ask me to be a guest in his YouTube channel, in his program, I would really give my time because I know the importance of this kind of discussion. So thank you so much, Dr. David Oualaalou.

Of course.

And para sa ating mga kababayan ng mga Pilipino, maraming salamat po sa pa-ki-ki-ning news aming discussion dito. Sana po ay wag natin kalilimutan na meron lang tayong isang bansa. We just have one country. We don't— even if I'm now studying, I'm now finishing my PhD, I'm leaving, I, I'm here in Beijing precisely because I need to attend to my PhD dissertation, um, defense. And you know, I have to go through, um, 3 more stages which are not easy stages, Dr. David, you know.

Yeah.

Yeah, you know, but it's really different still. You're in your country and the culture is different, you know, and you know, the dynamics between people, kabansamo sa iba parent talaga, na express mo yung sarili mo bilang Filipino. So, sa akin, sa ating mga babayan, wag na wag natin kalilimutan na isalang ang bansan natin kait sa ano paraan malilit o malake contribute at pagtangol, at paglaban ang bayan natin. Lalo na, some mga issues nang yari at some politicians, some political na mayroon ang Pilipinas na hindi karapat dapat umupo sa position ng sa gobierno. Kasi tayu, kumaga, in a democracy like the Philippines, we are a representative democracy, was Dr. David Oualaalou. The power really is nasakamay ng mga Pilipino. So tayo ang sasabe kung sino ang lalage natin jansama positions ng gobierno. So maraming salamat sa ating sakimang kababayan at sana po ay sabi ni Vice President Duterte, Sara Duterte, mahalin natin ang Pilipinas kasi iisolang po ang ating bayan, ang bayan Pilipinas, ang inang bayan Pilipinas. Maraming salamat at magandang Thank you very much and good night and good evening to everyone. Thank you so much.

Well, thank you so much, Anna. Truly, truly, on behalf of the entire community, we say thank you and we truly appreciate your time and sharing with us your knowledge and look forward to next time.

Thank you so much.

My pleasure, my pleasure. All right, to the community, to the community, uh, I want to just to remind you once again, remember to join me at 12 12:15 Central Standard Time. I will be addressing what just happened between South Korea, Russia, and China. Some really, really interesting details out there. I'm going to be providing you my own analysis for that. So I hope you enjoyed listening to Professor Anna Malandat. She's a wealth of knowledge, information, and she really cares for her country. And, and that just shows the passion and desire, because anytime I reach out to her, she really Whatever, she'll clear up her schedule to come over here to share this knowledge with you all, not just with the Filipino people, about people from around the world watching this. So because what's going on in Philippines matters, and I am very concerned as to where I see the trends moving forward into that direction, especially in that country. And it concerns me now, given what Japan is doing right now that the US is pushing. And I am sure the US will be pushing the Philippines as well. And I hope the administration there in Manila will think twice before jumping once the Americans ask for it. So hope you all enjoyed it, listening to Professor Anna Malindog, and I look forward to seeing you next time. As always, remember, geopolitics impacts your daily life in more ways than one. Till next time, bye-bye.