Is NATO Pushing Poland into a Confrontation with Russia?

Hello everybody and welcome to Geopolitical Trends. My name is David Oualaalou. So good to be with you as always. Very excited to be— let me fix this, uh, hook here for the glasses as it comes on sometimes. Make life easier a little bit. So, all right, good to be with you guys. Hope you had a good weekend and you are ready for starting a new week. So anyway, I wanted to come on the air, uh, as soon as I came across, uh, an article that really falls within the realm of what geopolitics is all about. So the topic today, I am going to be providing you an assessment about, or answer the question, that is, is why is Mr. Putin— President Putin, that is— is warning Poland? So this is what we're gonna be discussing today. But before I'll do this, I want to also, like I always, extend my sincere thanks to the channel supporters and members. And I want to give a shout out to two new supporters. JF, thank you very much for becoming a supporter of the channel. And also the second person is Creamex. Thank you very much for becoming a channel supporter. So we are at about 52 members right now. As I said, I hope we can achieve this by the end of this month to reach 100 so I can do the exclusive Q&A for the members. But I'm also going to have a surprise for the members, uh, as well. So, all right, as I said, today's topic is, like I always do, I'm sure you guys know by now how I approach the live streams, uh, uh, I always ask those 2, 3 questions just to put things within a framework for you to think about them. I mean, uh, so the first question will be, is why is Putin warning Poland? Okay, the second question that we need to consider or think about is, will Poland make the strategic mistake by going into Belarus, because they are on a border. So, and a third one, how will this dynamics change the history or the course of history that is moving forward? So that is what's very, very crucial at this juncture, uh, in, in, in, in time, that is, in, in the, in the history of the world, because with the conflict showing no signs of abating, so We ought to ask those kind of questions, and this is exactly what, what I'm going to be detailing today. So, uh, let me say thank you to, uh, or recognize rather, uh, Joy, Joy Cho became a YouTube member. Thank you, thank you very much for becoming a new member. I didn't see the name, your name, when I checked in. Usually I check the membership before I'll come on the air so I can give a shout out. I didn't see it there, so Maybe it was delayed in being posted there. So, so thank you very much for becoming a new channel member. Good to have you. Oh, uh, and always, guys, if you feel like it, if you can type in where you are joining me from, that would be great. And, and we will, uh, and I will, uh, give that also a shout out. So, all right, let's talk about, uh, our topic here. So what I, what are the way I'm planning on doing this, guys, is to provide you, first of all, just, uh, what the issue is all about as far as, uh, Putin's warning. Then after that, I want to— I need to tackle the history. You need to know the history aspects of this part of the world because this is what most of us in the West are oblivious to. Like I put in the description, most of the West are Westerners— that is, not all, I shall not generalize, of course. Are oblivious to what's going on because they don't understand the history of it. And this is why I'm going to provide you a brief history on that, and I'll just conclude with that. Of course, I'll answer, uh, one or two of your questions. Well, here's the thing. The Russian president just issued a warning, or sent warning shots rather, to Warsaw, the capital of Poland, regarding their action of building up troops on the Polish Belarus border. So the next question becomes, is, well, why all of a sudden Poland is pushing its troops to Belarus? Is Belarus about to invade Poland? No. Their arguments— Poland, that is— their arguments, which by the way it's a weak argument to begin with, their arguments is that, uh, uh, uh, we're gonna have to prevent the Wagner Group members from entering Poland. Well, that's kind of a very, very, very vague undertaking per se, for two main reasons. One is that if that to happen, the Wagner Group will go or enter into Polish— of course, Polish territory, that is— Poland will have to react to that, which means what? You have now a NATO member that is engaging, which means what? It would automatically trigger Article 5 of NATO. And Article 5, in a nutshell, is if there is an attack on one member, it's considered like an attack on the entire entity, entire, uh, alliance. We all know what it means, right? And this is why Putin is issuing a warning. So if Poland is planning on moving forward with its plan because Belarus will be no match for Poland. That's one. But this is, again, you'll think about the geopolitical moves. This is the reason why Russian president decided to move the tactical nukes into Belarus, because even with, with now what we're hearing emanating from Warsaw, from Poland, Polish people— Polish, not people, rather, but the government will have to think twice. But the government is clueless. I was in Poland recently, 2 months ago, so, and I was talking to people on the ground. They are really people, Polish people, they have no understanding of why their government is embarking on these policies. Why are they sort of, uh, uh, uh, digging a hole for themselves? Because history comes into play here. And again, I am going to touch on the history aspects to understand why sort of Poland will be making a strategic mistake if they move forward with this. So this is why the Kremlin issued the warning about any aggression— any aggression, rather, uh, uh, will be perceived against Minsk. Will be met— and I put this in quote— will be met— and I put in quote— with all means at our disposal. This is the Kremlin statement, not Belarus. So, so the Kremlin also mentioned that, or stated that, Poland move to bolster their defenses on the border, as aggressive as it can be perceived, cause for concern. So, so this is where that concern, uh, of course comes in, but it comes in as a— to a reaction also, because here's the thing: Poroshenko, the head of Belarus, did hold the Wagner Group because the Wagner Group, which there are few thousand troops there in Belarus, they were ready to head out to Warsaw if it needs to be. So he prevented them. So sort of, he kind of said, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, that's going to trigger a much wider conflict. And it's again because Poland is a member of NATO, that will trigger Article 5, and basically will put NATO against Russia. That's, that's all it's going to be. And that will not be a very, very smart move on Poland to ever trigger, because Polish people versus Polish governments are like this on the opposite end. Polish people are not too excited about their president's Duda policies because he's being pushed into— like I mentioned last time in one of my previous videos, that the— and who's fomenting all this behind the scenes? Yes, beside NATO is none other than US Ambassador Uh, uh, Brzezinski. Yeah, the son of, uh, the former, uh, Brzezinski. Mark, his name is Mark. He's the US, current US ambassador, following in the footsteps of his father, exactly how he approached dealing— his father, that is— when he approached dealing with the Soviet Union back then. Oh, the Soviet Union is the bad— did the same thing in Afghanistan. Pushing the mujahideen at that time because, uh, well, against the Soviet Union. You know, we, we all seeing the pattern here. And this is what prompted me to come on the air and do this, because I need to put it within the context for you to understand before you start hearing the, the, the, uh, uh, or reading headlines or listening to the news, whatever way you listen to information, because it will be, uh, uh, sort of prepackaged certain way to provide you or to present the arguments that, oh, it's Russia that is doing this, when it's reality it is not. That's like what I just talked about this morning on the grain deal, why Russia stopped that. But the West refused to say exactly why that is. So, because here's the thing, the concern for the Polish was that the presence of a few thousands of Wagner forces in Belarus, to them it poses a threat to Poland. Yeah, they could be thinking that way, but at the same time, the Wagner Group is going to understand, because they can't just go in into Poland, that there's some sort of chain of command. That is, and Russia understands this dynamic. They're not going to unleash the Wagner Group into Poland because, again, that will trigger serious war. And now Poland being a member of NATO, we see where this is going. So, and this is the, uh, the re— the reason why to prevent things from escalating, Putin went ahead and issued the warning to Poland. Because amassing this kind of forces, yeah, you could walk in— into you, Poland in this case, could walk in into Belarus. If they do, they're going to have to react. Reacting is going to lead to far serious consequences. But again, let me, uh, uh, uh, mention to you the historical aspects because this is one of the key— I believe the key aspects that you need to have a better understanding about. Let me share some maps with you here, uh, to put it in perspective for you. So this is where the issue comes in. So the issue of the, uh, the warning from the Russian president will have to be put within the bigger context of the geopolitical landscape in that part of the world. It's for a reason. And for Warsaw to be sort of— this is, by the way, the US ambassador, uh, and, uh, That's what they pushing forward with the establishments of the troops on the border. Now the question will be, is okay, if it's not the— is NATO pushing on this behind the scenes? What do you guys think? You know, we all know the history of NATO, so what do you think? And if it is, would it be sacrificing one of its own member? Yeah, I won't be surprised at all. Because that's usually what NATO does. All right, let me show you a map here, uh, just to put it in perspective for you. This is the historical— or, or regular map rather. But I have to highlight to you that before, before World War II— let me remove this one here— before World War II what took place. The majority— and here's the thing— the majority of the population that was inhabiting the area, uh, which is corresponding to modern-day Ukraine, were Ukrainian speakers. Yes, this is true, historically speaking. But also, it was a sizable Polish-speaking minorities in the region, concentrating the urban area, most notably none other than Lviv. Lviv, by the way, you will see it spelled in the Polish language with L-W-O-W, and in English we put it as Lviv. Which, by the way, Lviv used to be the capital back then. Let me put the map again for you guys to see. You know, the, the certain areas in the western part of Ukraine. This is why that argument, uh, uh, that President Putin made, he didn't make it on the top of his head. He made it based on a historical reference when he suggested that the possibility that Poland could take the land over in the western side of Ukraine because historically it belonged to it. Like many other analysts, the one who truly have an understanding of what geopolitics is all about have argued, and I am one of those that argued the same point, and I still hold my, my conviction on it, that should a settlement be reached regarding the Ukraine conflict, Ukraine will be divided into three. You got the East which is near the Donbas area and all that, near the Russian border. You got the center, which is where, uh, Kiev and all that. Then you get the western part, which is near the Polish border. And this is where historically Poland had its hand on that, because you have to go way back to after— before World War I, and even to the 15th and 16th century. And I will disclose some to you. I'm not gonna go too much into it because it will— we need hours and hours for this, but just to provide you a framework. So, and this is where that idea— because after the Austrian-Hungarian— because if you go back into history, you will see why the presence of Poland, you know, and Hungarian— Austrian-Hungarian presence there as well. So this is what's important to understand those dynamics. So, so the Ukrainian-speaking area was then, at that time, was incorporated into— get this, guys— into what was called the Polish, Polish Republic. And this was as a result of Polish military victories against the Soviets in the Polish, in the Polish-Soviet war, which culminated into the— what they call at that time the Peace of Riga, uh, which was signed in 1920. This is why you have to go all the way back. So what we're hearing now versus what the reality is are on the opposite ends. And majority of people— I mean, some of us here, we are poor readers of history. No, so, but the thing is, this Peace of Riga was not like the outcome of some sort of referendum. It was not, it was not. So the treaty of 1920 effectively disbanded, yeah, disbanded the short-lived West Ukrainian People's Republic, as it was called. At that time, with its capital Lviv. Once again, let me put up the map for you guys, just to you— for you to put things in perspective. Okay, if you even go back, I had to look for some other references of some older maps, and I found this one here, and it goes by the years, if you notice. You look at all these areas here, this is all those were added. So, but if you look at the timing of it, all of this, so this is what's important to understand. So when a Russian president was issuing the warning, he was issuing the warning from, from the perspective of the historical angle to it. You know, this is what it— what, what's important about it, which of course, uh, when Western media disclosed, or mainstream, whatever that is, when they disclose the information, they don't disclose it in its entirety. They cherry-picking what justify the narrative. And usually a good journalism— I, I am not a journalist. I don't claim to be because I'm not. I'm an analyst. So, but for journalism, for it to be objective, it has to provide both sides of the argument, and you let the viewers reach their own conclusions. Yeah, that's, that's the way I see it. So you go back to history here. The Soviets take over of the area in the so-called the Fourth Partisan War of Poland along the Kurzon Line. Now you may ask, the Kurzon Line— let me show you a map here what a Kurzon Line is. Here is the Kurzon Line. So this Kurzon Line, by the way, was proposed, uh, sort of a demarcation, as a demarcation line between the Second— get this— Second Polish Republic and the Soviet Union. So two new states emerging after World War I, and based on a suggestion by none other than Herbert James Peyton. It was first proposed in 1919 by Lord Gerzon. Gerzon, this Lord Gerzon, was the British Foreign Secretary. He is the one who proposed it to the Supreme War Council as a diplomatic basis for further border agreements. So that is what's interesting about what's going on right now. So, and this is why it's important to understand that the, uh, sort of the, uh, even since the beginning of the conflict, uh, between Ukraine and, and, and Russia there has been an overwhelming sort of focus on the historical links between Russia and Ukraine because it's an old history. There's a whole area, you know, and, and for us, some of us in, in contemporary time, we just look at it, looking at it under the lenses of today. Well, you can't. If you are to understand, you have to— that, that's like what we are witnessing with the United States conflicts, you know, and I've argued this many times, you know, you have to go back to 19— early 1950s after World War II when the decision was made at that time by the military-industrial complex and of course those in charge of the foreign policy, not the governments, they were be— the what I call the hidden hand behind the scenes. That the decision was made since 1952 was just to engage in conflicts, not to win wars. Because since when have we been in a war, so-called war? The last war we engaged in was— which one, guys? Can anybody put the answer? When was the last war we engaged in and we won, shall we say? Let me see if you guys can put the response there. Yeah, so we've been involved in so-called wars, but, but we weren't. No, I know it takes a while for this to show up here, uh, but yeah, if you think which war we— yeah, oh, I see it here. Ken, thank you very much. Ken, Ken, Ken Schaefer, you're absolutely correct, Ken. It was World War II. And that decision, after that, in the early '50s, 1952, based on the record that I found, uh, decision was made, oh, we're gonna be getting involved in conflicts but not to win the war. We just drag the conflict. This is why you go back, the Korean War, the Vietnam War, okay, Gulf War I, Gulf War II, Afghanistan, now Ukraine, and soon to be Yes, I will say it, soon-to-be Asia. Where exactly, it remains to be seen. A lot of people think, oh, it's Taiwan's gonna be in Taiwan. It will be over Taiwan, but it might not be in Taiwan. That's one thing you guys need to always think, because that's how usually, uh, uh, events evolve, especially when it comes down to conflict. So if you notice throughout the history of those conflicts Have we won any? None, none. But we have dragged on forever. You go from the Korean War all the way to recently right now. So, and by the way, I do see, uh, last time one of our, uh, viewers here in the community put a comment that I forgot to mention Cambodia. Yes, I did forget, but how can I forget? Or not any of us forgot the atrocities that were committed in Cambodia. So it just, it was in the moment when I was talking about Vietnam in relation to Henry Kissinger's trip to China. So yeah, of course, can't, can't forget about Cambodia. I went to Cambodia and I was trying to just ask some elderly people, but their English wasn't very, very— not, not good. I had a hard time. I don't speak Cambodian language. So because I wanted to get a perspective from their point of view, especially those who survived. So yeah, yeah, the atrocities in Cambodia weren't pretty either. So this is where this issue of understanding this historical, uh, uh, uh, link to why conflicts evolve the way they evolve, and also why, for example, Russian president issued the statements from a historical perspective, because to me that's what he's referenced to. Mike, my word on it, I could be wrong, but that's how I read it as an analyst. He is referring to— because when I was in Poland and asking people, the younger generation have no issues. They have no issues with, with, with Russia. The older generation, do I deny that there were some, uh, sort of tactics used by back then the Soviet Union against Poles? Yes, they were. You know, nobody can deny this. Can we forget what Stalin did? No, we can't forget that, and we can't deny it either, because the facts are facts. But at the same time, to be thinking or lumping what's going on currently within the Russian Federation And this is why the generation, the younger generation in Poland, they are looking at this issue differently. You know, I mean, I had a picture, and next time I'm still planning on doing this for you guys, show you all the images and pictures we took when I was, uh, in Poland. There, there was one picture that I still recall, uh, there were some, uh, young people, they're 17, 18, holding the Ukraine flag in the square at Kraków. And singing the, the, uh, the national anthem for Ukraine. And the tourists and people walking, they just giving their back to looking in the other direction. So, and most of them were tourists. Yeah, some of them were not Polish people. I was one of those. I was just a visitor. So why will I stand there and look or listen, whatever? Uh, but about Polish people themselves They just like, whatever, they just moved on. So, and this is where I need— I needed to focus on this historical aspects for you to understand, uh, uh, why that is. So, and this is why it will be impossible to comprehend, for example, uh, uh, even Ukraine history without examining the impact of both Poland and Russia. Yeah, it's, it's a fact, it's a reality. So, so, and this is what, again, I am seeing. What I see down the road is, is, is that division of the West, the center, and the East. That reminds me of same with Iraq, when Iraq was divided, you know, the north, the center, and the south. Because the north you get the Kurdish, the center you get the Sunni, and the south you get the Shiites. So, so 1,000 years ago, the people who now call themselves Ukrainian had not yet adopted this term because it wasn't used at that time, you know. Instead, the inhabitants of the Ukraine region— and by the way, Ukraine, uh, uh, means the edge or the frontier, that's what it was called at that time— so they were calling themselves— and I disclosed this in my Russia book because I had to look at the history Uh, so that's why I'm a little bit familiar with this stuff. They used to call themselves the Rusyn, Rusyn, R-U-S-Y-N-E. Let me, let me type it for you guys so you'll have it, at least for you to see. So they used to call themselves, uh, Rusyn or Ruthenian. So, uh, and their country ruled at the time, uh, uh, from ancient Kiev, or Kyivan Rus. It's called Kyivan Rus. Let me type this again for you guys so you know. I know those, uh, Slavic terms are very, very hard to pronounce, and I want to make sure, uh, you see at least the spelling of them if you decide to go and research it yourself. So those, uh, Rusians were the forebears of the three, three modern, uh, East Slavic nations. So the three East Slavic nations include the Belarusians to the north, you get the Ukrainians to the south, and you got the Muscovites to the east. This is why they say in, in, uh, in, in Russians, this says, uh, uh, uh, Moskova, Moskova. Use the— you hear the term Moskova, it's a reference to, to, uh, to this term that was used by Muscovites, so to the east, you know. And their Ruski language gave rise to today's Belarusian, Ukrainian, and the Russian languages. All of them traces their roots to the Slavic. This is almost the equivalency of— I give you just quick examples since I speak, for example, French. Well, you got the French, this Italian, the Spanish, you know, they are all sort of based on the same roots, you know, the languages. That's why you see some close similarities between, for example, certain terminologies in Spanish language and French language. Or the, or the Romantic language, you know, or Italian language, the closer. Same concept applies to the Slavic languages. So in the age before the concept of Russia has germinated, they weren't Russians at that time, and most of them were to struggle long and hard to resist dominations at that time. So So at one stage— and all this, the reason why am I disclosing this historical snapshot about is to talk for you to put the link between Poland and Ukraine, especially on the west, western side of Ukraine. And this is why the Russian president mentioned that at some point Poland will reclaim the territory in the western Ukraine. Whether that's going to happen or not, you know, I, I don't know at this point. I don't know. But if I am to go back in history, there are some claims to that from the Polish side. Excuse me. And if I am to go— excuse me— if I am to go way further further back, you know, because the opposition to the power of Poland back then. So you go back to about 1018, 1018. At that time, the Polish king by the name of Belsław, it was known as Belsław the Brave, that's how he was known back then. Invaded the Rus at that time and notched his sword on the Golden Gate of Kiev before withdrawing. So what's interesting that if you go, for example, there is an image— I, I didn't take picture of it— but in the, in the center of the square in, uh, Krakow there is the statue of, uh, a warrior at that time with the sword, and I bet it's referring to the, to the, uh, Belslav the Brave at that time. So after he withdrew, that, that sword, it's, uh, sort of, uh, was almost used for the coronation in Krakow for centuries. So it was— that's the picture of it. I'll get you guys the picture and I'll just post it for the community for you to know. Unfortunately, in the 15th century, after, uh, after— long after the Mongols' destruction of Kievan Rus, the growing city-state of Moscow adopted the religious-based ideology at the time because they are all Orthodox Uh, uh, Christians. That's, that's why history plays a major role into the aspects of where this is all about. And this is why there is now an outcry as to why Ukraine went ahead and attacked an old church, demolished it, you know. Of course Ukrainians would always blame Russia. You know, how can you trust the Ukrainians for that? So, and again, we're not pointing fingers here, just stating the facts. Uh, uh, Ukraine used to be part of, of Russia. You know, they learned about, uh, uh, how to do manipulation of the information also, because all what you hearing now about this conflict, besides the tactical side and all that, there is also a war of information. You know, I had to check out an information, for example, uh, that the Ukrainian government said that they have destroyed 5 or 6 missiles of Kinzhal, the Russian Kinzhal. Well, if you know anything about the Kinzhal missile, those are, uh, super, uh, uh, hypersonic. You know, there, there is no way, there is no way you can destroy those. They are first of all fast, they go at about, uh, Mach 5. And, and they just, uh, so Ukrainians are spewing this stuff out to highlight, uh, oh, we are this. No, it's not true. It's not true. So, and this is why understanding this history for how Ukraine used to be and how it came to be, you put the Polish aspects of it within this context also. That's what's important about it. But there is one thing I need to address briefly here before I, uh, I, uh, check out your question if you have any, which is the idea of understanding what are the geopolitical ramifications should— and this is big— should and if Polish people— uh, Polish— I'm sorry, Polish, uh, military enters Belarus. But the geopolitical ramifications will be very, very, uh, uh, uh, uh, or the ramifications rather will be very serious. You know, we're talking about both diplomatically and militarily. You know, like I said earlier, this will, will put NATO and Russia on a direct conflict. NATO, first of all, will not be able to defeat Russia. Russia, on the other hand, will resolve into using its tactical weapons because there is a doctrine, uh, in, in, in Russian military that the use of nuclear tactical weapons will be deployed if— they don't have to wait till they are attacked. No, in their, uh, in their doctrine is that if the, the, the, the integrity of the Russian Federation territory is under threat— security threat, that is— they will reserve the right to deploy the tactical nuclear weapons. Now, for you, the common question will be, is who do you think is going to be wiped out first if you look at the map? Who do you think will be wiped out first? And this is what I'm trying to get at with the geopolitical ramification. And this is also where I question the judgment— not the decision, but the judgments— of the Polish government. President Duda seems to be going in the opposite directions of what Polish people— it's almost like digging his own, his country's graveyard. Yes, there is an old history there between Poland and the Soviet Union, one that Polish generations, the older ones, that it cannot forget and should not forget. You know, we're not denying this. You know, again, what Stalin did was horrific. Polish people didn't forget about this one. So on the other hand, you are looking now at a different time. The Russian Federation is different from what the, uh, Soviet Union under Stalin was at the time. So, and any wrong calculations— this is the equivalency of, again, the fear that I have, not only in Europe here but also in Asia. That's the fear I have regarding the Taiwan issue. Any miscalculation, they will, uh, it will be too late. There is no point of return for that. And my big concern is I am seeing the signs growing by the day in, in, in Asia, especially when, when we consider Uh, NATO is about to open an office in Japan. It's like, yeah, speaking of Japan, be on the lookout tomorrow. I'm gonna release a video for you about the maneuvers that just concluded, uh, yesterday or the day before. I did some updates on it and I'm gonna release it for you tomorrow, so be on the lookout for that. So this is where I see the big concern. And again, we have to put this within the context, the historical context, and what do it mean, what will it mean moving forward, uh, militarily and geopolitically. They are the hidden hand within Polish government also that is fomenting and pushing and fuming tensions against Russia, uh, starting by our own ambassador, by Like I said earlier, following the footsteps of his father, which I believe is the wrong policy to embark on and follow. So, all right guys, that's what I wanted to share with you. I usually like you all the way— you all know, if I don't have any— when I talk about the issues that I need to talk to you about, that's it. I don't sit there and rumble. There is no need for that. So, uh, I just want to give you a heads up, be on the lookout on some videos. And be on a lookout for— I am about to schedule an interview with a guest. I don't want to disclose the name, so, and I will post it for you, uh, uh, like I always do. So, so let me take a look, see if you have any question, and if not, well, uh, I'm going to just sign off here. So, all right, let me go top and see. First of all, where are you joining me from here? Because I like to always know where you are joining me from. Oh, Lucio, good to see you from Montreal. Good to see you, Alan. Bonjour à toi aussi, from Montreal. So here's Alan here. So, uh, in Montreal, by the way, guys, it's half French, half English, so you can speak both. Yeah. Uh, Max, I like that. For once I'm on time. That's all right, Max. Life is too short, man. You just enjoy. It's just some joy. Uh, Yan Harcour, good to see you as always. Some, uh, David Westcoff. Oh, I thought you're from Mexico here. No, no, you're not. All right, let me see. Max Ang from Singapore. Uh, oh, look who's here from Nepal! Om Lani from Nepal, good to see you, good to see you. Uh, Oh, Tommy, let me say thank you to Tommy V. Thank you very much for your super sticker, truly appreciate it. Uh, don't think— all right, let me— so, oh, Francis from Holland, Netherlands, that is. They go by both. Francis Tango from Holland. So I'm, I'm familiar a little bit with Holland, so I used to go let a a lot there to, uh, visits around the, the cities in beside Alkmaar, uh, Amsterdam, Rotterdam, always that. No, uh, okay, let me see who else from— oh, Francis Tango, let me take this question here from Francis, why not. Uh, hi David, good show. Thank you very much. So question, what do you think, will there be a war in Europe? No, no, it won't. It won't because you're talking about complete devastation. Russia has, has enough power to level Europe, but they are not going to do that. They are— they don't want that. Russia's intentions were never ever about destroying Europe. This is what I, I need you guys to get, to understand what the media is saying versus what the reality is. It was never about Russia taking over Europe. They are not interested in that. They don't want that. What is, what is all this is about is us preventing Europe from getting closer to Russia, especially when it comes down to economics. And the way to understand it, you look at the Nord Stream 2 pipelines— Nord Stream 1 and Nord Stream 2, okay? Nord Stream 1 is controlled by Russia. Nord Stream 2 was controlled by Germany. So Nord Stream 1 was sending unlimited amount of gas to Germany. How do you think the German economy did at that time? It shot up. It's the top in Europe. That's the heart of European economy. So why? Because it was access to cheap energy. When the Nord Stream 2 was established, during the phases of completing that, we in Washington threatened Germany with sanctions if they don't back down. Why? Is because we got very concerned that if Germany will allow Nord Stream 2, also where their economy is going to be, they will sort of not overtake us, but they will be less regard for energy from the US because we wanted to sell. Thanks to— I mean, you look at just with the first pipeline where the industry, the car manufacturer, the, the, uh, I, I look at the company like, uh, what's their name, they're well known in the world, uh, uh, in the chemical, uh, uh, industry, BASF, uh, then you have, uh, I, I can't think of the name of it right now, it's well known German company around the world. So my point is that their economy was growing so strong And we got concerned about that, so we didn't want that. That is the— that is what's at the heart of it. And as a matter of fact, I'm going to disclose this to you. It's not classified, I'm just going to disclose it. When the decision was made about blowing up the pipeline, during the conversation in preparation for all this, the president was asked one question, and the question was, do you want reversible act or do you want irreversible act? You know what it means. Meaning, if we are to conduct an operation, do you want the outcome to be reversed? In other words, it would be just a temporary damage and it can be fixed and all that, or do you want the damage to be irreversible? And the decision was made irreversible. This is why we went ahead and bombed— blew up, rather— the Nord Stream 2, because it's considered as an act of terrorism that we conducted. And second, the Germans couldn't do nothing about it. Even now, the investigation that Denmark and Sweden and the Germany, you don't hear much about it because it will go nowhere. We control Europe, we control Germany. That's what's at the heart of it. So when using Poland as a case, those are nothing but sacrificed lamb. We can, we can, we can do without. Let's put them in front. That's the same arguments I made for you guys regarding Asia. Japan will be at the front line. Philippines will be at the front line. Australia— as a matter of fact, Australia, yesterday you had US Navy troops marching on the streets in celebration of sort. US Naval troops. Optics. So this is why it wasn't about Russia want to— Russia is not interested in They don't want it. What for? You know, what they had was a good communication with Germany as far as energy, but Russia can still sell its energy elsewhere. They don't have to wait just for— but it just shows you, it really, it shows you how much we control Europe. Until Europe stands on its feet, I will remain— I remain always convinced about my statement. And my statement is this— you can put it in quotes if you want— Europe is like a child that never grows up and is always in constant need of directions and discipline. That's how I see it. All right, let me see if there is another question here. And but yeah, it's, it's a much bigger issue that needs to be very understood by, by many. And the historical aspect usually provide you, uh, that kind of, uh, uh, at least an understanding to put things in perspective. So, and, uh, for us You know, most Americans don't even know it was never about winning a war. It was always, it was always about dragging a conflict. That is what it's about. So, uh, uh, Hong, thank you very much. You, you're most welcome. Thank you for providing us with the background of this potential conflict. It's, it's, again, I feel that the historical aspect is very— I I disclosed more details of it in my book, in my Russia book, because I had to. Because it will, it will be— it will not be a good book content-wise if you don't devote an entire— you devote an entire chapter for any book, at least for me. Anytime I write a book, I have to devote an entire chapter just to the history because it's important. Without it, uh, it will be missing a big piece and, and it will— it won't be good. All right guys, I hope you find this very informative. As I said last time, be on the lookout for two upcoming videos within next few days. And also, I'm gonna have a guest soon. I'll disclose the name later on. And I look forward to seeing you next time. As always, remember, geopolitics impact your daily life in more ways than one. Till next time guys, bye-bye.