Massive Corruption & Political Chaos! Conversation W/Maria Lourdes N. Tiquia

All right, hello everybody and welcome to Geopolitical Trends, where truth matters. Excited to be with you once again for second time today since we had our, uh, live stream earlier in the day. But at this hour I have a very, very interesting guest, and you guys been waiting for the guest here for, uh, for this conversation. So I look forward to that. So I'm going to bring the guest in, and we'll start right away. This way we won't waste a lot of time. Hi, Malo!

Hi, David! Good morning from Manila.

Yeah, good morning to you as well. So guys, to those who do not know, I'm going to give you a brief bio about Malo. Please make sure to take a look at the full description I put in— in full bio, rather— I put in, in the description. So it's, it's a full lengthy bio there. It's worth your time, uh, to read about. So, so here is, uh, uh, Maria Lourdes Tikia, known as Malo. That's how she's known. She's a CEO, she's an author, she's a strategist, she's economist at the Manila Times. She's also has managed, ran and managed international and national and local campaigns since 1995. So somebody with a very solid professional background. Amalo founded the Publicus Asia Incorporation, which was founded in 2003, and she is the chief executive officer, the CEO, principally handling lobbying, government relations, campaign, and competitive intelligence in the firm. So she is also the author of 4 books. I put all the titles of the books in the description, guys, so make sure you take a look at that. And also, Malo is working on completing her PhD, so probably next time we're going to have her, we're going to have to call her Dr. Malo. So very, very excited to have you here. And on behalf of the entire community, I say thank you for carving out time for us here. So, so let's, uh, let's start with the key question that many of my viewers, be it here in the US or around the world, including those in Philippines. Where do you see, based on your understanding about the conditions where things are, where do you— what is your overall assessment about the Philippines?

Well, uh, David, first of all, um, my assessment of the— my country, uh, today is really based on something that would have been good for our country, which is unity. Um, both the president and the vice president ran on a campaign of unity, first time in the history of the Philippines. There was not much discussion of platform compared to what we were used to. Essentially, everyone wanted unity. Everyone wanted, come on, let's, let's go, let's work together to bring this country up, because, uh, we are getting— we are being overtaken by certain countries in Indonesia. But, um, 2 and a half— 2 years and 7 months, uh, since June 2022, I would say there is a failure to launch. I would say there is a lot of betrayal of public trust. Um, why do I say that? Because if you are starting government, a new administration, everyone is focused on, uh, either continuity of the existing programs, projects, and activities, or adding, adding more, uh, to that continuity accomplishment of the previous administration. But after a year, we saw how, um, political became, uh, the number one order of the day. When I say political, it's essentially driving, uh, uh ranch between the president and the vice president. And, and that is because of the request made by the vice president to the president for contingency fund— contingency for confidential fund, rather. And the president agreed to that request. Uh, unfortunately, we have a speaker who is the first cousin of the president who use his power to hit on Duterte. So instead of focusing on work, instead of trying to uplift the lives of Filipinos, especially those below the poverty line, it was politics from day one until today. Today we just finished last Monday a huge rally of one of the religious, uh, groups in the Philippines, the Iglesia ni Cristo. And it was so huge. Uh, this is not EDSA 1 or EDSA 2, uh, because if you remember, EDSA 1 is essentially, uh, um, the, the Secretary Henry Leahy, uh, and then General Ramos Yeah, we lost the sound here.

So, uh, yeah, it's the connection. Sorry guys. Uh, yeah, we'll wait till, uh, Malo comes back here. Yeah, okay, I'm gonna, I'm gonna carry on the conversation at least till she comes back here. Uh, so it looks like the, you know, it's very, very interesting to see now.

David, can you hear?

Yes, I can hear you. Yeah, we, we kind of, you froze. For a moment. There we go. I can hear you. Can you hear me?

Uh, choppy. It's choppy. Yeah, I can see you now.

Okay, there we go. I can hear you. Yeah.

Okay, so I was saying, uh, we just had a huge rally, uh, that's a total of 5 million nationwide. It's different from EDSA 1 and EDSA Um, in, in EDSA 1, EDSA 2, it's just Manila. It's just the national capital region, the capital of the Philippines. Last January 13th, it was in 10 regions. So that is the difference. Uh, the, the, the, the organizers never called for the removal of the president. It was merely, uh, a support to his statement that we, um, doing an impeachment is not good for the country. So in terms of economics, we are not also performing well. We are being overtaken by our ASEAN neighbors simply because of the way the budget is being mangled. The president just signed a General Appropriations Act for this year, and lo and behold, we were so surprised when he used his line item them veto because he never vetoed the unprogrammed appropriation. Unprogrammed appropriation is like, uh, you list certain projects or certain activities but are not funded. So if in the year there is a good revenue collection, then that is the time they will fund it. But if you review that, health, education, housing are being compromised by this budget. So, um, the 2 years and 7 months, it's, um, neither here nor there. The inflation is at 3.2%, and that is, um, the huge bulk of that is food inflation at 3.5%, meaning we are not producing the food that we need, or there is a supply chain, uh, breakdown Uh, because there are a lot of produce outside of Metro Manila, but because of the supply chain problem, which should have been acted on, uh, on day one coming from COVID uh, it was never attended to. Um, when you look at also the bulk of the inflation rate of 3.2% in 2024, 3.1% is due to housing, water, electricity, and gas. Wow. And in this administration alone, um, the debt has increased by 10.9%. Our debt is 6 trillion, and, and the projection, the end of his term, it would reach 24 trillion. And you, you do anything being done, there are no big ticket projects. Um, there were ticket projects that were approved, uh, at the NEDA, at the, at the national economic, uh, uh, echelon. Um, but this has in the light of day. Um, so I'm really very, very worried with, with that kind of, uh, debt, uh, position. Our debt to GDP is 61.3% when the global average is 60. So again, you know, uh, it's not a good year, uh, to begin 2025, uh, with this again heightened political noise. Um, and you know, David, after the Iglesia ni Cristo, uh, rally, the president has not spoken to the nation. He only stated yesterday that, uh, the impeachment of the vice president, uh, the timing may not be good and, uh, we should not, uh, push for it. And the reason why he is saying that is election is on February 11th. So if, if you are, for example, in, in the culture in the U.S., when you impeach someone very near election period, that can go haywire.

So speaking of impeachment, uh, and actually you brought up two key points and I like to have your insights for the community to understand. You brought up the term impeachment and you talked about ASEAN, so I'd like to talk first about the impeachment and get your take on it, whether it was politically motivated. And if it is the case, was it motivated by the president or was it motivated by some entity, some elites inside the political structure inside Manila?

Well, David, the impeachment, uh, came about because of the, um, consistent hearings being done by the House of Representatives in relation to the confidential fund of the vice president. In the Philippines, we have an audit code where government agencies have to submit certain requirements in order for them to to get the green light. No, um, the vice president has until February of this year to complete all the requirements. Um, when you say confidential fund, it's essentially— I mean, by the word itself, confidential, you cannot release so much to the public because these are operational, these are intelligence work. Uh, as someone like you who understands intelligence fund and confidential fund you don't just blubber it publicly because, uh, this involves, uh, the fight against the, the CPP-NPA-NDF or the left, uh, um, recruitment of students in campuses, illegal drugs being traded in, in, in campuses, and, and, uh, security issues. So the impeachment came about because of the several hearings done on the budget of the vice president, specifically on the confidential fund, on the use of the confidential fund. And they continued. If you look at the news arc of media in the Philippines, it has always been a consistent, uh, issue brought about against the vice president. Uh, under the law, she has till February 2025 to finish that and end COA will rule on whether, uh, the, the documents are complete, whether, uh, certain things are missing, you know, these things. Uh, until we breach that date in February, um, I don't think the vice president has committed, uh, culpable violation of the Constitution.

Yeah, yeah, I still believe, uh, uh, Malo, as one who's following from a distance And I am not in a position to judge, and I will not judge because that's not right, and it's not right. But as an observer looking from outside in, it became clear to me, and I've talked to people who know a great deal what's going on inside Manila. I used to work in Washington, so I had firsthand understanding of how we were handling Manila and dealing with that. It became clear to me that this is targeting the vice president to prevent her from, you know, and for the sake of the country, who is really behind this particular push, this political maneuvering to sort of impeach the vice president, when in reality all it's going to do is even further sink the country into more chaos politically and otherwise. And this is where I see it going. So The second point you mentioned about ASEAN, I'd like to take, uh, have your intake on this. You mentioned that certain ASEAN countries are kind of, uh, either pressuring or influencing, uh, uh, Manila. There are others who are saying, Malo, that it is not ASEAN country, but rather it is the United States that is pushing on this. What's your take on this? Who's right? Who's wrong in your opinion?

Well, David, uh, the previous administration was, uh, friend to everyone. Uh, administration, uh, first few, I think the first month, uh, he was already favoring the US, uh, favoring the US in the way that the West Philippine Sea, uh, is being, uh, handled. Um, the ASEAN, uh, remains, uh, a regional bloc that is saying, uh, we should be non-aligned, uh, we should be, uh, neutral, we should probably handle everything through the regional bloc which is ASEAN. Um, And we've never been successful with ASEAN to get a resolution, uh, on China, uh, and that is the real politic, uh, you, you, among the 10 ASEAN countries, um, there are countries such as the Mekong River countries, they're very, very close to, to China geographically, um, and we are jutting out together with Brunei, uh, Indonesia, you know. So when you look at ASEAN map It is very important to do regional work, to do multilateral work. It is the only way where we can prevent war. Unfortunately, as you very well know, there's a typhoon, a missile setup that is here in the country. Our government agreed to the processing of some Afghan refugees. Imagine going to the Philippines, uh, in to process documents before going to the U.S. when they're very, very close to the U.S. So, um, I understand that, uh, most of those Afghan refugees are well trained in handling EDCA sites. We increase our EDCA sites. Our constitution, the 1986 constitution, speaks about be having an independent foreign policy, that bases are, are not, you know, uh, to be continents in, in our country. But we have, as we speak, uh, and, and that's a total of 9 EDCA bases, which this administration agreed, uh, for an additional 5. So, um, essentially the pivot of, uh, President Marcos has been with the U.S. And, and to that extent, uh, we are unable to develop and nurture further our, our relationship with ASEAN and China. And, and, and, you know, in, in, in a multilateral world, uh, not leaning on, on one country is very important for sure.

And given the changes that, uh, going on with the BRICS, and now you have your neighbors, Indonesia becoming a full member. You have Thailand has expressed interest. As a matter of fact, they're going to be joining BRICS. So I am— I feel comfortable saying, Malo, and please correct me if I'm wrong, I feel comfortable saying that Philippines is gonna be the odd member within ASEAN, but it's gonna end up impacting the local economy more so than any other country.

True, David. You know, uh, if you look at ASEAN, the, the regional founders, there were 5, uh, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand. And if you look at the partner countries now of BRICS, you have Malaysia, Indonesia, Vietnam, and Thailand. The only ones missing there is Philippines and Singapore. And, and look at BRICS, it's essentially, uh, to diversify trade and foreign relations. And, and really, this, these countries, these partner countries that are coming in and will hopefully be full members, becomes now the voice of ASEAN in BRICS. And that is why it is important for the Philippines to stay non-aligned and, and work and have the, the, the Philippines, the interest of the Philippines being number one than the interest of other nations.

Interesting. Before we move into another aspect of this conversation which deals exactly with your background in dealing with lobbyists and understanding the government relations and so forth, there are some voices that have been arguing that Is it time for Marcos to resign? President Marcos, you give, you give the guy the proper respect because he's the president at this time. So a lot of voices have argued that for the sake of the country, President Marcos should step down. And if it is, in your opinion, Malo, do you think that Vice President Duterte will be a better alternative for the sake of the country?

Well, that is a double-edged question, David Oualaalou. Um, President Marcos, uh, ran on a platform of redemption, that the family will be given another chance to prove itself and to work for the Philippines, uh, to towards, you know, uh, uh, middle economy, uh, status, um, middle income rather. Um, but having said that, um, number one, he has really to listen to the people. Accountability and transparency are very important in, in the rule of law. They keep invoking the rule of law, but part and parcel of the rule of law is accountability and transparency. So Mr. Marcos, number one issue that is being asked by the Filipinos is for him to take the hair follicle exam, uh, and this is in relation to allegations of him being a heavy user, uh, of illegal drugs. Uh, my sense there, uh, if you have been using that, uh, since, since what, decades, the impaired judgment, the impaired decision-making is noticeable and palpable, uh, in these 2 years and 7 months. Uh, much as I would want to, you know, to wave the Philippine flag and say, uh, everything is rosy and everything is great, it's not. And, and that's— that starts from the way a leader makes decisions. Uh, this leader we have is not— does not have the political will to really say stop and let's focus on the economy. Uh, even, even the way he, he uses line item veto shows, uh, the kind of interest, the kind of, um, uh, persuasion that he has. He values more the oligarchs than, uh, the, the general public. Um, so my sense, uh, another 3 years, uh, may put the country really below, uh, and, and, and that is not to our interest. Uh, it is to the interest of Filipinos to be able to rise up and be competitive, at least even in the ASEAN level. So on your second question, the constitutional successorship is, uh, Vice President Sara Duterte. Is she ready? I— nobody can make that call. But certainly, uh, having been, you know, uh, the target in a bullseye game for 2 and 7 months, um, she has seen how politics is, how bad it is, how it can be a source of good intentions and good projects. Um, he is— she is guided by the father. Uh, and you know, uh, David, Filipinos love, uh, the former president, uh, Rodrigo Roa Duterte, simply because of his political will. In our lifetime, we've never seen a president who takes care of the people first, who takes care of the frontline services first, who came up with so many infrastructure programs even during COVID and who did not sink us further because he did not push for a new budget when COVID was here. We might be, you know, the most strictest in terms of COVID guidelines, but that redounded to the benefit of the Filipinos. So my sense, uh, the Filipinos are, are, had had enough for, uh, the 2 years and 7 months because we're not seeing anything. Uh, money is being, you know distributed wantonly. The corruption is very high. Services are very bad. You know, when you toy with the PhilHealth funds, that's the health. I mean, the Filipinos were— got mad because of the way the PhilHealth, which is the health insurance in the country, was being toyed and where money is being taken for other projects. To fund political pet projects.

Very, very interesting. This, this leads me to address one of the key aspects of your background, Malo, vis-à-vis the current behavior of the president, President Marcos' government. So regarding the government expenditure, uh, what role in your opinion Do you believe the lobbyists are playing in influencing the Marcos government?

Uh, you know, David, that's a very good question. Uh, it used to be that lobbyists and advocates gain access to the process. Uh, uh, we see it, we contribute, we comment, uh, uh, we do sourcing of public comments, uh, so that legislators are able to see the, the variant, the various, uh, positions of citizens and stakeholders. Under this administration, it's very, very hard to do that because, um, the Speaker and the Senate President have decided to curtail access of the public, uh, in the daily, uh, committee hearings, in submission of the documents. So it is not an open and transparent thing. When you go there, they ask you, who are you representing? Why are you here? Even in the Senate, the reform that the Senate President made was really to close public hearings. So in the guise of there is limited space, you have to be connected with the hearing. Unlike before in my early days, I would just, you know, hang out. A lobbyist hung out in Congress. They listen, they attend committee hearings, they put together briefs for the legislator or for stakeholders. Today it's probably the old boys' club that they are the only ones that are there and Certainly, uh, public advocates are not, uh, allowed access both to documents and to processes.

Wow. So that means the— I, I— it's not a laughing matter. It just, to me, I sense it's only getting very complicated for the average Filipino person.

Yeah, a perfect example, David, is the bicameral of the general appropriation Immigrations Act. Uh, you very well know there is a bicameral process also in the U.S. Congress, but that was very open. There is a transcript, there are minutes of the meeting, uh, it is made public, you know, before both chambers would vote. Everything is made public to the legislators and to media. Uh, in our case, in the bicameral conference committee of the budget, there was no minutes, there was no transcript. It's just several people deciding on how the look and form of the budget would be, and then it is open to both chambers. So if you are following the process, you would be surprised that once enrolled, you do not know what happened, right? And it's funny that the president signed the budget towards the end of the year, and until now we still do not have a copy of the General Appropriations Act. So again, the question is, uh, what is delaying it? Why, why can't the public have a copy of that so we can see line by line what was inserted, what was removed?

Yeah, which is the right of the Filipino people to know.

Transparency is very bad. Is really zero.

Wow, that is problematic in a sense. So, uh, another aspect that I'd like to have your input, uh, uh, Malo, it has to do with the tensions between Philippines and China in the South China Sea. And what I noticed, uh, what I noticed is that, for example, uh, they are the issue of the water zones and so forth between, as an example, between Vietnam and, and China. But Vietnam decided to resolve those differences quietly and just between the two of them, meaning Vietnam and China. Philippines is doing it differently. Why is the Philippines is going about it this way instead of reaching out to China and say, hey, let's sit down and figure out a solution to this problem? What's driving that?

Yeah, well, David, I'll call it— I'll call the spade a spade. It's really the U.S. interest that is driving that. It's not to the interest of the Filipinos, right? Uh, if it were to the interest of the Filipinos, it would be easier to do bilateral talks. Or set it aside and let's find a common interest. Uh, um, the, the what is being discussed is the blue ocean strategy, uh, but that again is something that, uh, this administration is not open, um. In fact, um, of late, uh, there was a great push for to open the bilateral, to continue the dialogue, to continue the negotiation. You know, you cannot close that door because if you— the moment you close that, you cannot reach out to the leader of the nation and ask, um, can we just settle this, uh, between the two of us? As you very well know, foreign diplomacy is relational. Uh, can you call, uh, President Xi Jinping? Can you call the incoming President Trump? That's the value today of being close. That's why the community of nations are, you know, there's several regional blocs, uh, they try to understand each other, they try to build relational, um, getting to know each other. If we do not have that, we cannot stop because we are just linear, one country specific in terms of diplomacy. And if you look around the Philippines, the Philippines is an archipelago. We recently passed our maritime lines and our archipelagic baselines, and that is problematic by itself. But if you look at our country, there are areas from south to west to down Mindanao, where you can actually do, uh, resource management of the deep sea. That is potential where both countries can work on. And the Philippines can actually say, okay, in the South China Sea we will deal with China. In the west, uh, on the east side, the east border, of Benham Rise, etc., we will deal with another country. In the cul-de-sac in Taiwan and Sabah, we will deal with another country. That's high piracy. Probably the US is interested to maintain peace there. And beside the Davao Peninsula, we will have another country. And, you know, the Philippines is very rich, very rich in natural resources. We haven't exploited the deep sea, and that is one direction where all these claimants and all these, you know, countering nations against the posturing of each other can actually work and agree to share, you know. Besides, that's natural resources. It's not something that, you know, when you deal with the sea, there are no boundaries. And borders, but with the land, of course, you know. So, uh, it is very interesting that, um, the Philippines— our leaders should start negotiating, start talking, you know. If you want to solve the problem of this generation, solve it now. Don't pass it to the future generation when the future generation may not have the, uh, culture and the historical basis to pursue our claim. But again, David, it goes back to why is the Philippines very intransigent. It's essentially your arbitral ruling. That arbitral ruling is good, right? It can help other small countries like the Philippines, but implementing it is very hard. So would you rather implement it and, you know, uh, you know, um try to stick it out to other countries, or set it aside knowing, yes, we have this, we know we won, but how can we work together? That is, I think, the much important, uh, aspect, uh, in dealing with the problem.

Yeah, because I didn't quite understand that the logic of the, uh, Marcos government in dealing with the tensions that exist, for example, with China. Well, you look at your biggest neighbor in the region, your neighbor that is, has a sort of carries weight on the global stage, whether the West likes it or not. It's a fait accompli. I was in China and I saw with my own eyes. You cannot ignore the sheer size of the Chinese economy, no matter how you look at it.

This is the biggest market.

Yeah.

Thinking of It means it's the biggest market.

Yeah, and that's what I don't understand, the logic for the Marcos government as to why instead of reaching out to China— we're not talking about begging China, we're talking about reaching out for your own, for the welfare of the Filipino people. You reach out to China, you gotta deal with them. They'll invest in, in infrastructure, they'll upgrade the telecommunications systems for the country and so forth. I mean, you look at now with the— I have a picture, if I still have it, let me share it here briefly. If I, uh, what China has built. Yeah, for Laos, look at this fast-speed train that they had built for— it is another one for, uh, Thailand that they built for Thailand. So this is with the Chinese investment. I'm not saying China is doing them a favor. China is benefiting from that as well. So the Philippines could learn from something like that as well, and I don't understand why they are not doing this by following blindly what the US is saying.

Yeah, I guess another thing I forgot, David, is, uh, dealing with the Marcos wealth. Uh, I think that is one, uh, area where, uh, Marcos, uh, President Marcos has decided to align itself with the US, because essentially, uh, you know, he is the administrator of the Marcos wealth, uh, and, and the father in his deathbed, uh, stated that he wants it distributed to the Philippines, but I don't think, uh, he would want that. So it's, it's ensuring that the Marcos wealth is returned to him while he's president. And there's talk that it would take so many years. That is why they are already on day one alone, they were already hitting the vice president in connection with 2028 presidential elections and down the road. They were saying that you needed 18 years, uh, to, to get these things done and, and give up on Marcos. So when you say 18 years. That's exactly 3 terms. So after— it is crucial for them, uh, to have an ally, uh, in 2028 when they go down. If they can look for someone who is a relative, a member of the family, then that becomes now viable. And that is the reason why you have a Speaker Martin Romualdez, who despite of the falling ratings is still eyeing for 2028.

Wow, that's a— well, this leads me to ask, Malo, as the president-elect, President Trump, is going to inaugurate the office soon on Monday, but he pushed it because there is a frost weather-wise that prevents that from happening. So I think they're going to postpone it by a day or something like that. The key question that I have, that I am concerned about, is how now the US administration is going to approach the Philippines, given that the nominee for the Secretary of State, Marco Rubio, is already pushing very hard for AUKUS. And the intention is to use the US bases in that region, including those in Philippines, which, by the way, the US has said, uh, said there were about 5 bases when in reality there are 9. 4 of them have not been declared. How do you see American foreign policy towards the Philippines when Trump takes over?

Well, I, I don't know if, uh, Senator Rubio will, um, Senator, Congressman, no, he's a senator.

He's a senator.

You would follow because the foreign policy of Senator Rubio is very different from President Trump. Uh, but having said that, uh, coming from a pronouncement that there will be no global war, that he wants to bring American soldiers back home, uh, that if you want us to be the world cop, you need to to share with the expense. Uh, he mentioned one. Yeah, so my sense is it's going to be a totally different, uh, positioning for the United States in the Philippines. Uh, whether the, the Japan-American-Philippines, uh, uh, aggregation will continue is another issue. Um, but certainly he made the pronouncement when he called, uh, the President Xi Jinping of China, that, uh, he tweeted on it and he said that, you know, um, this marks a good start because they were able to discuss and they were able to agree on so many things. I just hope, as a Filipino, we do not want war. Uh, there's a constituency against war in the Philippines, uh, be of the Philippines being dragged to a foreign war. Um, so my sense is, uh, there'll be a lot of adjustments, uh, in, in Marcos. Mr. Marcos will have a hard time dealing with, uh, Mr. Trump for the simple reason that, uh, there are leadership qualities that differ from each other. So my sense is, uh, let's wait and see, and let's see how things shape up in the Philippines and how it reacts towards a Trump administration. It's funny that our president had, uh, you know, a phone call with Vice President Harris. I mean, in terms of public diplomacy. When you're ending one's term, you don't necessarily, you know, do a call. Uh, you do a call with the incoming, but, uh, I guess the president had to be assured that things will be, uh, business as usual. And, and I don't think Vice President Harris can commit President Trump to that.

No, there is no way. Knowing how American presidents behave, first of all, it will be a fatal mistake to trust what an American president is saying. It's my country and I don't shy away from saying the truth. You know, I will not trust my own government. That's just me. I used to work in Washington, so I kind of understand the ins and outs of how the process works. The system works in itself. So, uh, let's move on to the economic front, and I'll ask you just this question, uh, because some many people have been asking, is it, uh, pivotal for the Philippines to join BRICS?

Yes.

And some have said no, Philippines is not ready for BRICS. What do you think, Mano?

Well, Philippines is not ready, certainly, in terms of the economic metrics are being used. But being last impact, you know, when, when countries, uh, join regional groups, uh, it is to the interest of that country to be part of it, not to be newcomers, but early adopters, simply because you gain You gain, uh, you gain a lot, and there's a wedge where you can, you know, uh, really position yourself as the voice of ASEAN, as the voice of, uh, uh, countries in the Pacific Ocean. Uh, it is very important for the simple reason that everyone is joining it, and there is a totally new world order that is coming out from the BRICS. Uh, secondly, you cannot be competitive if you are not with the BRICS. So it opens a lot of, uh, uh, trade. It opens a lot of, uh, foreign funding, foreign direct investment, uh, in, in areas where we might have competitive edge but cannot develop because of the lack of material resources. So being part of BRICS, uh, especially being part— I go back to the 5 original, uh, founders of ASEAN in 1967. It would be nice for the 5 original founders to be part of BRICS, and that is Philippines should be there because it gives us a latitude in terms of determining uh, foreign interest. I mean, David, you know that there's so many Filipinos in the four corners of the world. That is one, uh, most important reason for our embassies and our consular offices, uh, for us to be able to help our OFWs. And, and certainly, uh, they have been Uh, the remittances have been coming in because of them, and we are, uh, we are buoyant because of them. So we should be thinking of the interest of the Philippines as well as the OFW, uh, to be part of the BRICS.

Yeah, but there are those who are saying, well, because it's hard to trust the Philippines playing a role in BRICS the same way. And I'm saying this, Malo, not out of— I'm saying it based on my conversation with people who knows these things inside out. They, they, and they gave me the same arguments about India. So they are arguing that the Philippines in, in BRICS will, will do the same as India is doing in BRICS, and sort of they can be trusted. Given what's going on inside the country itself. This is why in Philippines I'm noticing there is lack, there is a sort of a decrease in foreign direct investments in Philippines. You know, if you ask me about 10 years ago, it was different. Yes, it was different. But now you start to— well, why is this the case? And that's why, uh, I wanted to ask you, I want to ask you to get your input into whether Philippines is ready for joining BRICS or not? Because a lot of people are asking.

Yeah, if you remember the book Why Nations Fail, uh, very clear there, uh, man-made political and economic institutions are putting down, uh, this country, uh, and, and of course the oligarchy, you know, uh, is having its day, uh, it's not an inclusive, uh, economic and political institutions that can cater to creative destructions. No, uh, yeah, it is, uh, as it is, the elite prosper from the misfortune of the, of the rest of the population. Uh, you know, the crony capitalism is, uh, on the rise. I mean, if you look at— if you compare the father and the son, there are certain things that are constant. Uh, the rising crony capitalism is felt already, uh, by, by certain sectors, and, and that was true during the time of the father. Uh, corruption is on the rise, that was true during the father. Uh, certain rights and privileges are being hampered or being curtailed. That is true during the father. The father probably, uh, proclaimed martial law. Uh, the father being a lawyer knew what— how to make certain things constitutionally safe. But this— the son is not a lawyer, uh, so he doesn't have the complex mind to be able to ascertain, uh, but he allows the police to, you know, to do all sorts of things. He allows, uh, uh, at least the, the army, the, the military is, uh, being respected. But, you know, when, when you have a speaker doing the parade in review and saluting and visiting camps, you don't— you get mixed signals, and, and that is very, very hard. If you're an investor, if you recall, David Oualaalou, the US Trade Representative, came here in the Philippines last year together with big billion companies, and all of those did not end up in the Philippines. Amazon, I think, went to Thailand, and Vietnam went to— yeah, Indonesia, Malaysia. Yeah, imagine, David Oualaalou, Muslim Indonesia is Muslim, right? But they chose that than the Philippines. Why? Second structural problem we have is the cost of electricity. We're the most expensive in the, in the region. Um, so how can investors go here if, in, if electricity is not stable? And it is not made— the cost of doing business is very, very high. So there are certain problems which I hope the government would have attended to in the first 100 days, but they chose otherwise, and, and they remain, uh, centered on politics.

Yeah, well, I am reminded of the history of the Philippines when it fell into a civil war. We all remember what happened back then. And I'm gonna ask you, Marlo, uh, in your opinion, do you see your country is heading towards that direction?

Well, David, uh, two things. Um, the Philippines does not have the culture of, uh, uh, civilian revolt. Yeah, the bloody.

Yes.

Okay, we are used to leaders talking among themselves and saying, okay, the successor will come in, which essentially is the protector role of the Armed Forces of the Philippines. Having said that, there are people, there are groups who do not like the kind of politics we have. There are groups who want to close Congress, you know, padlock Congress. And get these people accountable for the mess they have caused the country. There are people who are willing to die just to finally settle what we failed to settle in EDSA 1 and EDSA 2, which is the kind of politics that we have. I hope it doesn't go to that direction. I hope it will be elder statesmen and women who would be able to chart the country in a less volatile situation. Because the higher the risk, the less investors coming in the Philippines, as you very well know. Um, having said that, um, I think we are in the crossroads of what we really want to have? Because we've seen ASEAN countries— a perfect example is Vietnam. We've seen ASEAN countries growing by leaps and bounds, and, and Vietnam is a centralized economy, right? So what are we doing wrong? What is the Philippines doing wrong? Are we getting the wrong leaders? That could be. Uh, are we electing leaders who are just there for the heck of it and not serious in terms of governance. Could be, uh, but certainly the Philippines has to find that, uh, that mix, that right chemistry for us to bloom. Because Filipinos outside of the country are thriving, uh, Filipinos in this country they suffer, okay? And I mean, when you look around the Philippines, it's very rich— rich in natural resources, rich in human resources. But I don't understand why we, we kinda just muddle through. And, and that extent, uh, um, that is not good for the future generations of English.

So, and this leads me to one final question on this aspect, that this leadership aspect. So if— and there was— this is a big if, and for me, once again, just for my viewers, uh, especially those in Philippines, I am an outsider, so I am not getting involved in the internal matters of the Philippines, but because I care for the country, I've dealt with Filipino people in different parts of the world. They're hardworking people, they're honest people, at least they were to me, and they were kind to me. So I never forget that one. So moving forward, for what lies ahead, Melo, when and if Sara Duterte became president— and by the way, I extended an invitation to her to come on the show here. She's always welcome here whenever she can. I know she's dealing with a the, this, uh, impeachment stuff. And I can understand, but the invitation, in case her people are listening, the invitation still stands. So whenever. So in your opinion, Melo, hypothetically, we'll go with the hypothetical here. If and when Sara Duterte takes over, which direction is she's going to lead the country? What are the first priorities in your opinion she's gonna embark on immediately as soon as she takes power?

Well, uh, the vice president is known for, uh, development— the, the, the three things, uh, peace, security, and development. Uh, if you look at her master's thesis in the, in the, um, National Defense College talked about the, the, the role of peace and security in pursuing development. So my sense, she is very strong in terms of national security, very strong in peace and order. She has the experience of Davao, Davao being the biggest city in the country, and in Davao leading the, the march towards inclusive growth, no. Um, the crucial part of inheriting, if ever that happens, this administration— she has to restructure the economy because you cannot really grow with, uh, you know, uh, an inflation rate of 3.2, uh, a debt of 16 trillion, a debt to GDP of 61.3%. She has to deal with food economics, uh, supply and demand, you know, those things. It's very basic. Uh, in, in, in 3 to 6 months, then you, you're off. Uh, the Duterte brand is known for frontline services. So I guess we will have a better service to the people in terms of, uh, you know, licenses, uh, death certificate, birth certificate, renewal of those things. The regulatory, uh, climate would be a lot better. Then third would be a strong leader, uh, You've seen, probably David, you, you've been aware of how she landed in the national media, in the national news, when she, you know, boxed this sheriff. That, that, uh, that momentary, uh, 15, uh, uh, minute or 15 seconds, whatever show to everyone that this is a person who cares for the Filipinos. And coming from, uh, having a father like President Duterte, I think that the blueprint has been made. And, and a lot of people are saying, you know, when, when President Duterte ended his term with 80% approval, uh, and trust rating, the first in the history post-EDSA Everyone welcome, uh, because that was the first time we saw someone, a leader who fought for us. He may be— he may not have the British accent, he may not have, you know, the optics of in terms of wearing our national barong, etc. He may not be that, but certainly he was, uh a worker, uh, and he got things done. Uh, that's the most important part, getting things done during your term. And, and if by luck of fate or by destiny the daughter comes in, I think, uh, we will have a continuity of the first of the 6 years of President Duterte.

Well, that will be, that would be a major change, I would say. For the Philippines, you know. Well, it's so interesting to hear from you, Omalo, but I cannot let you go without asking one key question that both the community and my Filipino viewers are also wondering about. So I'm gonna ask the question, guys, on my behalf, but I'm sure you might agree with me on this. And the question is, Malo, hypothetically, you know, should the government reach out to you, the next government reach out to you to serve on, on, uh, to serve on that government, would you consider?

David Oualaalou, I've been in government for my first 15 years as a professional. Uh, I paid my dues. Uh, I went back to government, uh, heading, uh, a local university, uh, as its university president. But that didn't last, uh, my term because of, uh, I didn't like the idea of corruption entering education, so I left. Uh, if there will be a change of government and that would be, uh, the successor, I will always be there to help. I will always be cheering for the Philippines and waving my Philippine flag. Uh, and if I am invited, I'd probably weigh certain things, uh, and, and see where I can help, whether in government or outside of it.

Well, that's very, very interesting to hear. So by the way, guys, if you want to follow Malo, you can follow her on Twitter. That's her handle there. I follow her on, on her X account. So I'm there, I read her stuff. Remember, she writes for the Manila Times, so you can read that stuff. She's also on LinkedIn, and this is the link that I put for you on the screen, uh, for her. But make sure you follow her on, on, on, on X because she's there a lot, so I read her stuff. So, so, well, Malo, I can't thank you enough. On behalf of the community, I extend my sincere thanks to you for carving out time for us here. To share your knowledge, to learn from your professional experience, and so forth. And we look forward to having you next time.

Thanks, David. Thanks so much for— you know, it's, it's a privilege for me to meet you and, and converse with you. Please visit the Philippines and let me know if you're here.

I certainly will. I will do that. So you take good care of yourself. Hi guys, uh, I sorry for sometimes this, uh, the sound. I don't know what it is, uh, it's working fine on my end. Sometimes it's hard, you know how it is when you do overseas and so forth. But in any event, plus I may, uh, uh, I forgot to tell you for tomorrow, remember to join me tomorrow for live stream at 12:15. So I decided to do a live stream for you about TikTok. Uh, uh, and I will address this issue also later on in the month when I converse with Carl Zah. But for tomorrow, I'm going to be, uh, talking about TikTok and the decision of the Supreme Court, what you need to know, especially, uh, to understand how corrupted even the Supreme Court is. So, so, uh, please hit the like button, don't forget to subscribe, and thank you for being here. And as always, remember geopolitics impacts your daily life in more ways than one. Till next time, guys.

Bye-bye.