Trump is Delusional about Taking back Bagram Air Base! W/Dr. Yasir Masood

This content was created by David Oualaalou. This content was uploaded by David Oualaalou. This is a YouTube interview episode titled "Trump is Delusional about Taking back Bagram Air Base! W/Dr. Yasir Masood" (published 2025-09-26) featuring host Dr. David Oualaalou and guest Dr. Yasir Masood. The recording is a conversational geopolitical talk in which the host and guest discuss the Pakistani–Saudi defense pact (including references to a nuclear umbrella), India–Pakistan tensions and Kashmir, Donald Trump’s comments about reclaiming Bagram Air Base and likely Taliban/Pakistan responses, security threats to the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and broader US strategies to encircle China. The excerpt reads like a live or recorded interview/talk show aimed at a general audience interested in regional security and great-power rivalry.
Chapters
Hello everybody and welcome to Geopolitical Trends, where truth matters. I'm your host, Dr. David Oualaalou. So excited to be with you. I'm even more excited because I have a dear friend who is here, is going to be sharing with us some really, really key information about what's going on in, in with Bagram Air Base, what's going on with India, what's going on with the Saudi-Pakistan defense packs. So first of all, let me bring in my guest here, Dr. Yasser Massoud. Hi, Doc, how are you?
I'm very good, David. It's, uh, I'm so glad to see you again. Just couple of weeks back we had such a wonderful meeting, and I'm really glad that you invited me on your YouTube channel.
Just for you guys to know, Dr. Massoud invited me for dinner. We linked up in Beijing It was a wonderful time. You know, we, we hang out for a while, so it was very, very enjoyable. So to those who do not know who Dr. Masood is, let me just provide you a brief bio. I put the full bio in the description, so make sure you check it out. So Dr. Masood is a Pakistani political strategist. He's also an analyst, an academician, in addition to being a broadcast journalist which specialize in, in sort of strategic communication. His work spans Southeast Asian geopolitics, Pakistan's foreign policy, US-Pakistan and US-China relations. He has also played a major role in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, which we're gonna tackle this particular aspect. He's a frequent commentator for international media and think tanks. I listen to his interviews, very, very informative, and he also brings in some sort of concise policy-focused insights. That is one of the reasons why I reached out to Dr. Massoud, because I want you to hear from him. He has the credentials, he has the knowledge, and he has the analysis that you're going to benefit from. So, so he talks about the regional security, The Great Power Rivalry and a Diplomatic Strategy. So, so once again, welcome back, Dr. Masoud. So good to see you.
Likewise, and thank you very much for such an encouraging introduction. It was quite comprehensive for your audience.
Of course, yes, sir. You are, you know, you have the credentials, and to me, the community cares more for really learning. That's That's one of the type of communities I have here. It's very, very inquisitive. So, so we're gonna get in into a host of topics, but first of all, I would like to start with your overall assessments of the current global geopolitical landscape. How do you see it? How— what is your assessment of it?
Well, David, it's a very pertinent question and a very important one in the sense that David, as you know, uh, and also I would like to shed light for your audiences as well, that of course, as you know, that we are going through some tantalizing times, some interesting times of the history when the geopolitical trends are just on the move. And every day we see, you know, the things are changing up, foreign policies are shaping up in those dimensions which we have never imagined before, like 10 years ago or 20 years ago. Mainly, I would say is that right now the, the global community is very much concerned, including you, including me, including your audiences, is, um, just the geopolitical security of the entire globe. You know what is happening in the Middle East, especially I would like to mention the genocidal policies the, um, you know, such kind of maniacal policies which are emanating from Israel. And it is impacting not only Palestine but the entire world, because I would not— I wouldn't only say that the Middle East alone, as we are seeing that the global community, that the global world has been gelled, um, against such kind of, uh, you know, policies which are emerging from there, the genocidal policies So I think, and then, you know, on the other side, you know, we see a competition, a perpetual competition between China and United States of America, which the world is seeing some horrendous implications on in terms of the, you know, economic policies, how world is facing those kind of policies, how world is impacting especially the the Global South, the developing world. I think they are in a time of interesting times to reshape their foreign policies, their strategic policies, because of— not because of stability, but because of vulnerabilities. And I think this, uh, you know, we see that after a long time, you know, a time— I would take you back to the time of unipolarity The world still suffered. Then come the bipolar world order during the Cold War, and now at least we are heading towards the multipolar world order. There are positive, uh, aspects, positive implications of that. Uh, for example, in our part of the world, in our region, um, you know, now countries under the banner of the of China are now uniting with each other, collaborating with each other, coming up with new concepts. Like China is coming up with Community of Shared Future, Community of Shared Destiny. But at the same time, I think there is still a lot of fomenting from, uh, stoking from the, um, you know, hegemonies of the world. And I think that's where, uh, right now We are in a state of shock and awe because we never know what's going to happen. Let me tell you, give you an example, that according to United Nations, there are more than 50 intra-strait conflicts brewing in the world. Wow. You know, let alone what is happening like the major wars, uh, I, I wouldn't even go there, but the intra-strait conflicts are more than 50 currently in the world. Look what is happening in, you know, the conflicts, uh, in Africa. There are conflicts in our part of the region. There are conflicts in, uh, you know, in other parts of the region. So what we see now is, like, personally, you ask me that what is my opinion? My opinion is that the global system is actually is in a disarray, and that's where I am being a student of international relations or as an analyst, I'm very much concerned where we are heading to, who is following, you know, in whose hands is actually the reins of power, and if they have it, how they are using it for the rest of the world. What is the uniformity, uh, you know, and how we are going to have this kind of unity under one banner Like, for example, I give you an example. Kashmir issue has been living since 1947 between India and Pakistan. United Nations has been unable to resolve it. Why United Nations are not resolving the problem of Gaza? Why United Nations is not resolving, you know, other issues, other conflicts in the world? Why there are more than 50 intra-state conflicts in the first place? Living, thriving, and breathing in the world. Why? You know, this question of why is very important, which I think now the global populace is asking from those global institutions which guaranteed us at one point that we will be the sole guarantor of your security. By security means human security, economic security, geopolitical security, better relations between states. I think that's everything is just falling apart. That's where I think I'm concerned the most.
Well, that's very interesting assessment, uh, uh, yes, sir. And the idea of, uh, the reason why I also wanted to ask at the beginning that one, because I wanted to put it within the context of some other developing issues, events, and so forth. So What we're gonna do, Yasser, just to pick your brain on those issues, I'm gonna line them up in 4 sections. We'll start with the Pakistani-Saudi defense pact. We'll talk about its geopolitical and security trajectory in the Middle East. We'll talk about Pakistan defeat of India. And we conclude with the statements of Donald Trump regarding wanting Bagram Air Base. All this within that concept, the context rather, of the current geopolitical landscape. Let me just share quickly with the community, just for you to know, Dr. Masood, you know, is fluent in Urdu and fluent in Pashto. So for those who speak those languages, so, uh, just fluent in Punjabi and Punjabi also. Yeah, so that's, uh, gives you an idea about someone who will have much depth in understanding those really serious issues. So let's start with the first one here, Yasser, is the Pakistani-Saudi defense pact. I'm sure you were aware of it. You are. How do you see it? How do you see it playing out, not only in the Middle East, but especially when it comes down to India-Pakistan conflict or tensions?
Yes, this is a very major development, David. And let me enlighten your audiences that— let me start with Pakistan-Saudi Arabia relationships. We had a very historical relationship over the years. We had strategic relationship as well. If I talk about the time of 1970s or '80s, Pakistan has been providing security and we had very strong strategic, political, economic relationship over the years. So this relationship has seen the test of times. Most of the people believe that this defense agreement is basically a knee-jerk reaction. I don't see it this way. This was always on the cards. But yes, the timing of this defense pact is extremely important and pertinent in the context of the current geopolitical trends, what is happening in the Middle East, what is happening with India and Pakistan, how Pakistan has heightened its geostrategic profile to an extent that now Saudi Arabia sees Pakistan as a partner, as a partner in a sense that enables Pakistan, or have enough trust in Pakistan that Pakistan can be the sole guarantor security guarantor of Saudi Arabia and as well as of the entire Middle East. Because let me tell you that this is just the beginning. I'm more than confident that the rest of the Middle Eastern countries will also follow the suit because it's a, it's a great start between two nations. Why? One, Pakistan is the only Islamic nuclear state. Second, Saudi Arabia is the richest Islamic State, uh, and the biggest Islamic State in that sense that it has a very strong clout not only in the Middle East but in terms of its relations with United States of America. So I think this is a, a major milestone. This is the first time that two Islamic countries had such a comprehensive defense pact. And let me also tell you that you know, defense pact in terms of foreign policy is a very normal thing, and mostly it is used for, you know, signaling or strategic purposes. But at the— in the nub of this is, which I see why it is so much important, is the, the reading of the defense agreement is that if there is any aggression on Pakistan or attack on Pakistan would be considered an attack or aggression on Saudi Arabia, and vice versa. And I think this is extremely important right now. The way I see it, it's— it directly signals to two countries in the region. Let me tell you that India— the conflict between India and Pakistan in May, uh, 2025 You know, there was a truce which President Donald Trump has initiated. Pakistan welcomed it. Pakistan welcomed the— appreciated the stellar statesmanship of President Donald Trump. But India, but India went the otherwise. India still feel that it's a temporary truce and they still keep the Operation Sundur alive, which means that India still, you know, aiming to, uh, have an aggressive stance or policy towards Pakistan. So this directly signals, one, to India that if there is an attack on Pakistan, so it would be considered an attack on Saudi Arabia, which changes the whole dynamics of this region. Second, if you see that why after the OIC summit when Israel attacked Qatar after the OIC summit. The OIC Islamic summit did not bring that fruitful or tangible results which we were expecting. But immediately afterwards, this defense agreement also signals straight to Israel that Saudi Arabia has taken a stance which is not— which is a, you know, a kind of a new stance against, you know, Israel that now Pakistan as a nuclear state is standing with Saudi Arabia, which is a direct signal to Israel as well. Because if, as you know, that Israel has always been following the Simpson option, because Israel considered itself as the sole nuclear power in the Middle East. But now it changes the equation. With this defense agreement means that Pakistan, being a nuclear state and an Islamic state, is now standing with Saudi Arabia. So I see that it signals to two countries very categorically and very clearly that if there are some kind of, uh, you know, aggression, if it emanates from them, now Saudi Arabia and Pakistan are standing together. Also, the rest of the Muslim world will stand together. Now it's a very interesting and dynamic, as I mentioned, because how India is going to react, because Saudi Arabia is— has a very strong relationship with India. I was just reading that there are billions of dollars of economic relationships they have. There is a huge chunk of Indian diaspora working in Saudi Arabia. There are, I think, around 3 million people of India working in Saudi Arabia. And how, you know, the, the relationship between United States and Saudi Arabia will sit after this defense agreement. And I'm also sure that just like a, you know, nuclear ambiguity, or we call it strategic ambiguity, the defense reading will not be very open. Just, I think it— they both, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, will keep it deliberate in a way that there has to be some sort of ambiguity just to— for the rest of the states to realize and have their own analysis and have their own calculations. But I think it has changed dynamic a lot in not only in the Middle East but also in our part of the region, you know, our equation with you, with India. And then now Pakistan has a strong clout, a strong foothold in the Middle East as a strategic partner. Let me also tell you that why this has happened in the first place. Uh, you know, a few years back, like in the mid-'70s or '80s, we had a very strong relationship with Saudi Arabia. And then I see there was a was a bad patch, you know, between both of them. Um, because usually, um, we have been seeing that Saudi Arabia has been bailing out Pakistan on different occasions. On every difficult situation, Saudi Arabia has been, you know, very supportive. How this dramatic shift has happened, uh, I think it, it is because of Pakistan's chest thumping victory in the May 2025 conflict with India. India started it in terms of Operation Sindoor, uh, and we, uh, as a defense, we initiated Operation Bunyan and Marsuz. Uh, Pakistan has downed 6 Indian jets, and I think this was a, uh, one of the major strategic misreading on part of India that they miscalculated that Pakistan will not respond, or even if Pakistan would be, you know, would not be able to respond or will have a weak response. But Pakistan took not only India by surprise but the rest of the world as well. I personally see that we should be very thankful to Prime Minister Modi that it has initiated this Operation Sindhur against Pakistan. Because after that they have taken Pakistan's strategic profile to sky high, and Pakistan is now being respected and is being seen as a stable nuclear state in the region and beyond. You know, as you see, United States of America is warming up towards Pakistan. With China, we already have a very strong strategic, political, economic relationships. Russia is warming up towards Pakistan, cozying up towards Pakistan. Middle Eastern countries, as you just mentioned, Saudi Arabia is seeing Pakistan with a different lens. So I think right now, diplomatically and as well as militarily, uh, Pakistan is playing its cards very well. And let me tell you that by my analysis your audience shall not take any, you know, misunderstanding that Pakistan is an— as an aggressor. We defended ourselves, you know, we defended ourselves, and I think we have given a befitting response to regional bullying which was coming from India over the years. Um, and otherwise, Pakistan is a very peaceful country, has always been extending positive overtures, peace, you know, extending, uh, positive messages to its, uh, neighborhood and beyond. And that is why I think now with the, uh, with this development, one might wonder that how, you know, Pakistan is going to balance relations with Iran, because, uh, there, there are still could be, you know, some, uh, problems between Saudi Arabia and Iran. But I think Pakistan can play a very strong mediation role between Saudi Arabia and Iran as well, uh, as a Muslim state, as a nuclear state, as a responsible state. So I think it's a very good opportunity for Pakistan to now, uh, to be a stabilizer in, in the Muslim world. And I think this is a very, very positive and a major development for Pakistan, but For your audience, I would like to also enlighten them that whenever there are opportunities, uh, it also comes with a lot of challenges as well. How Pakistan is going to, you know, balance those challenges, uh, is, is going to confront those channel challenges, time will tell. But right now, I think it's a positive development. How Israel is going to react to this in terms of, uh, this defense pact, how Israel is going to see the Middle East with, uh, of course with a different lens. And we know Israel is a usurper, you know, in, in the Middle East. It has its, uh, ambitions as a Greater Israel. How the Simpson Option will be utilized now. So there are big questions which I think which will be developed over time. But right now, as we speak, I think positive signs for Pakistan.
Very, very interesting insights. Yes, sir. You know, just to add one thing to this before, uh, and even before we move to the next, uh, part of the conversation here, I want to talk about the statements of the Defense Minister of Pakistan, Khawaja, when he publicly disclosed that Yes, the nuclear umbrella is a part of the defense pact. And it was, to me, it was like, wow, I didn't see this coming. Even though there were some in Washington saying, oh, the nuclear aspects of it will not be included. I said, no, it will, because things have changed. And to my sort of how the defense minister stated that publicly, one day after the agreement was signed. So what do you think the message was, and was it intended for the US if ever threatened Pakistan, or was it intended for Pakistan to reconsider its aggressive stance towards Pakistan?
I think, I think I mentioned in my comment that usually such defense agreements are meant for, you know, geopolitical purposes and are meant for strategic signaling and also being used for deterrence. This defense agreement is more of a deterrence in nature because of this development in the Middle East. Israel is, uh, you know, with the help of United States of America, the way Israel is becoming an aggressor with each passing day. Qatar being one of the major allies of the United States, one could not imagine that Israel would attack Qatar as well. This put the security of the rest of the Middle East at stake. And Saudi Arabia, being a powerful state, has taken a stance that, okay, there were two major security issues for Saudi Arabia. One was Yemen, or one was Iran. United States of America has always been providing the, you know, the security umbrella to Saudi Arabia. But what about Israel? That's where, you know, the question started in, in the entire Middle East. Let me also tell you that these Middle Eastern powers, including Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Bahrain and UAE, they have pumped in around $3 trillion into the US. Despite that fact, their security is at stake. So the security— United States of America as a security guarantor for this region has lost its legitimacy. This defense pact is a signal to United States of America as well, that now we have a nuclear power standing with us means we can, uh, maintain our own security without your needs, one. And second, if the— this kind of policies, uh, still continue from Israel, which means that tomorrow the Arab states can ask United States of America to withdraw its, uh, you know, uh, the, the, um, military, uh, presence over there. They can withdraw. They can, uh, ask United States of America to leave the bases and, yeah, and, and take back your bases back to United States of America because they, they're of no use. If we provide you bases, if we pumped in $3 trillion worth of economy money into into business transactions and still we aren't safe means that these are big question marks. Coming back to your point, um, I see it as a deterrence. I do not think that Pakistan will ever, you know, transfer its technology, you know, nuclear technology or nuclear umbrella to Saudi Arabia for that matter. Of course, if there is any kind of aggression or attack, both states will be standing together with each other. I don't see it this way that Pakistan would be extending its nuclear capacity or capability to Saudi Arabia.
Yeah, that's a very, very interesting aspect of it. So the, uh, you, you speak— I'm gonna just pivot to one other aspect This has to do with India. Then we'll move into talking about Bagram Air Base. So you've flown in Pashtu, so you know what I'm going to be referring to. So, uh, you speak fluently the Punjabi language. So the issue of Kashmir, you know, and, and I always wanted to— I have friends here in the US, they speak Punjabi also, and we talk, and I kind of always wonder, will that issue ever be resolved? Will India ever respect the wishes of the Kashmiris? And I'm not suggesting here, by the way, Yasser, just for the record, I'm not suggesting that Kashmir should be with Pakistan. No, let Kashmiris decide for themselves, you know. But my question to you, Yasser, is, in your opinion, in your assessment, do you ever foresee a resolution to that issue of Kashmir?
Well, if you asked me that would India want, India would never want this. India never wanted since 1947, so why would India want it now? And why India didn't want it, this is also a question. Because if India resolved Kashmir issue according to Indian designs, let me also tell to, you know, explain this for your audience. It might be very interesting that Israel and India has the same designs. Israel has the designs of Greater Israel and India has the designs of Greater India in the region. So India believes that before pre-partition, the way India was, including a lot of princely states, it wants to you know, occupy those princely states again. So India is living in those, uh, you know, dreams that it would happen one day, but it will never happen because right now the world has changed, the situations have changed, governments have changed, uh, the geopolitical profiles have changed, the global dynamics have changed. India would never resolve this because this will also resolve many other problems, breathing inside India as well. There are 6 to 7 independence movement currently running in India. If India resolves Kashmir issue, all of them has to be resolved as well. Then India's issues with Nepal, then India's issues with Sri Lanka, then India's issues with Nook Bhutan— all of them have to be resolved as well. India would never want this, but Having said this, India is now, it's, you know, getting towards an edge to keep the Kashmir issue alive, you know, keep suppressing Kashmir issue. There are about 900,000 military forces in Indian-occupied Kashmir. There are about, for every 9 Kashmiris, there is 1 soldier. For every 9 Kashmiris, there is 1 soldier by average. Why? What they want to do? It's a clear example of suppression, and India is following exactly the same, um, modus operandi of Israel in India by the way Israel is doing in, in Gaza. Yeah, it's exactly the same design. But I think now, if you know, when we talk about peace and peaceful relations in South Asia, the prerequisite is the resolution of Kashmir issue. If it doesn't resolve, there will never be a peace in South Asia. That's for sure. China is playing a very positive role because Let me also explain that China also has its stakes in Kashmir. There is one part, Aksai Chin, which is also part of China. So this is also in the best interest of China as well to promote this regional peace and prosperity, uh, and for that purpose Kashmir issue has to be resolved. But with this kind of, uh, you know, jingoism which is currently emerging from Indian leadership with this kind of hatred which it has instilled in its own people, in its institutions. Um, so there is an institutional suppression going on in Kashmir. India abrogated the, uh, separate status of Kashmir in 2019, uh, against the international law. India has dismantled the Indus Water Treaty between India and Pakistan and many others, which is completely against the international norms and laws and treaties. Some of the treaties like Indus Water Treaty was signed in 1960 by the World Bank, and just after the Pahalgam attack, India, you know, dismantled that one as well. So with this kind of policies, if India thinks that by force or by warmongering, you know, objectives or aspirations against Pakistan, they would be able to, you know, keep bullying Pakistan. And this, I think this fake status of a hegemon, a fake hegemon, which India was thinking about itself, has been thoroughly exposed in May 2025 conflict. Um, so, but we— all I can say is that if there has to be peace between India and Pakistan and in this entire region, as I mentioned, Kashmir is the prerequisite. And you are absolutely right, I agree with you, we do not want that Kashmir has to be part of Pakistan. Kashmiris have to decide their own status themselves. If they want to have a separate state, why not? At least live them peacefully, and this will bring peace and stability in the entire region. Otherwise, it will keep coming. We can expect more conflicts, more aggressive stances and aggressive policies coming from India, which I think, you know, We being the neighbor, we feel very unlucky because every now and then we are being bullied. I have political analysts, my friends, my students from Nepal, from Sri Lanka, from Bhutan, they share the same feelings, David. They share exactly the same feeling how they are being bullied in different ways. So I think this is not in the interest of India as well. If they want to be, you know, a responsible state, if the fifth, fourth or fifth largest economy in the world, if they want to have a, you know, progress, if they want to have stability, I think they have to discard this kind of warmongering policies.
Yeah, well, anything coming out of India is nothing but a hype, in my opinion, as one who, you know, not only during my days in Washington, we used to deal with them, You know, when Modi issues statements about the greatness of India, it's nothing but empty promises and bravado, no more, no less. A few months ago, just to share this with you, Yasser, a few months ago, I asked my community here, when I posed a question about whether India should be partitioned, you know, 60%, 62% in the community said yes. Maybe it might be better for India. It might do better if it is partitioned into different states and each one of them lead its own life the way they want to. Let's move on to talk about Bagram Air Base. Of course, this comes against the backdrop of Donald Trump's delusional statements to the Taliban, threatening them that, oh, I'm gonna need to take back Bagram Air Base. You know, how delusional in your opinion Donald Trump is? And what do you think the Taliban will do moving forward?
It's very interesting, David. Donald Trump, I see it first, he throw some kind of a card, you know, just to check the pulse. Of the people. And also, it's just like he's playing a game. First, he just threw the card on the dice and see the pulse and check. Um, and then, you know, see what he was saying about Gaza. He wanted to make it a tourist destination. And about Greenland and about many other, you know, uh, kind of, uh, statements he came up with, I think it's just an extension of the same kind of, you know, statement which is coming from Donald Trump. But at the same time, why United States of America wants Bagram base once more? Why it has left Bagram, you know, in the first place, uh, left in such a haste that it also left all its arsenals, technology, you know, missiles. And, and just in a haste, they ran from there. Why they want it back? Because he's very clear, he's saying he wants it back, uh, to have to keep an eye on China, uh, to keep an eye on Central Asian states. I think here, if United States wants, uh, it back, it's, is very simple. It comes under the policy of, uh, you know, the China containment policy, but it's much more deeper than that. I think it's mostly against Iran. It's also to keep an eye on Pakistan, to keep an eye on Central Asian states, and the geostrategic location of pagram is very important. It's a nod from where I think what United States has been doing in the 20 years when it was in Afghanistan. But Taliban has categorically, um, and principally have already conveyed the message, uh, loud and clear that it's absolutely not possible. Taliban would never do that because it will put their credibility at stake. They have been fighting against the United States and against NATO forces for 20 years. So if they hand over Bagram now to the United States, they won't have any legitimacy left.
Yeah.
So Taliban would never do that. More than that, Pakistan would never do it either, because we have also suffered big time, uh, David, since, uh, 9/11. There are about 100,000 civilians have been sacrificed on the name of war on terror. I was reading today that alone from Afghanistan, alone since 2021 when United States withdrew, you know, withdrew its troops from there, pulled out its troops from there, we have suffered around 600— more than 600 attacks, cross-border attacks from Afghanistan. So you can imagine that how much instability is still lurking there. And, uh, it was episodic. I see it's a replica of the same policy which United States, uh, you know, at the time of Mujahideen, when Pakistan in the Cold War was a front ally state, was fighting for United States, sacrificed their people, trained mujahideen, and then United States left those people, um, uh, unabated, trained those, uh, you know, mujahideen were trained, turned them later on, turned them into different franchised groups, and they're still working there in this region. So I think, uh, the, the Pakistan has a lot of losses after 9/11. 150 billion worth of economy Pakistan has lost going on the name of war on terror, um, collateral damages aside. And the biggest loss was the geo-economic policies. We couldn't grow economically because of the instability. I don't think so Pakistan would allow this, but how Pakistan will balance it, it's a big question mark.
That's remained to be seen. Very, very insightful. Uh, let's move on to address one of the very, very interesting initiatives between Pakistan and China, and this one has to do with the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. Just for the community, for you to know, Yasir played a major role in the development of this particular initiative from behind the scenes. You have never seen his name on the front pages or on TV screen, but he was behind the scenes dealing with this aspect. And also, given his knowledge of both Pakistan and China and understanding of both the geopolitical and economic settings, he played a pivotal role into all this. So when we think about economic, the CPC Economic Core CPEC, Economic Corridor. I think of you, Yasser, for the role you did behind the scenes. So where do you see, where is it now? I've heard of the issues pertaining to this particular initiative. The Chinese scientists, the Chinese engineers have been attacked in Balochistan. You know, who is fomenting those tensions? Who is funding those operations? And why?
Um, David, it's a very important question because you have taken the nucleus of the problem, uh, when it comes to, uh, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. And of course, uh, as you're showing on the map, it has, uh, some very interesting aspects, um, But since I have worked a lot on the security aspects of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, and that's what my, uh, you know, PhD is all about on Balochistan province, uh, that was my thesis. So that's where after that I have gone, uh, dived deeper into the issues and problems that, as you asked, who are the external factors and why they want to destabilize CPEC. Let me explain, um, David, that two countries, uh, United States and India, have been against the Belt and Road Initiative. They are still against the Belt and Road Initiative, and CPEC as a fulcrum of the Belt and Road Initiative is one of the major economic corridor, one of the major in a sense that more than $20 billion worth of investment has already been done under CPEC up until now, and the whole umbrella is about more than $60 billion. So you can imagine that how important it is for Pakistan's crippling economy, and as well as for, for China's— not only for China's geopolitical and geostrategic purposes, but also for China's, safety and security of its, uh, oil trade route, which is the shortest trade route from Gwadar Port to Kashgar. There are external factors, and I think it's more related to Pakistan's geostrategic and geopolitical policies. Those external factors want to keep Pakistan in a boiling pot And they want to, you know, foment and stoke this instability in Balochistan region. As I mentioned that after 9/11, Pakistan could not focus on the geo-economic policies. CPEC, as a ray of hope, emerged from China. China put this huge confidence into Pakistan's economy and into Pakistan's governance, into Pakistani people. When there was a— not a single penny was being invested in Pakistan. China invested at those— at that critical time, and we have achieved a lot up until now. But those external factors wants to keep, uh, alive this instability. And the simple reason is that, uh, security and stability is the prerequisite for economic stability, for economic ascendance. And I think that's where, you know, there are different franchised groups. They are being supported by external factors, by India, by other countries. And it's mostly happening from India's, uh, relations with Afghanistan. A lot of, you know, security threats we are facing from there. So, but Pakistan Security Forces They're very resolute, they're fighting for it. Chinese are standing with Pakistan in this. There are challenges, but I am sure that with the passage of time, Pakistan would be able to counter these challenges. And we would really want to make this a real success story because this is one of the major, you know, principle now of Pakistan's national interest that we have to secure CPEC. But there is some, there are few pockets where there are some issues, but gradually now things are getting better for China-Pakistan Economic Corridor as well.
Great to hear because I was always concerned about the amount of investments Chinese are putting into this and they will want to have something in return for their investments. And also for Pakistan to move up the economic ladder because Pakistani people deserve better. Simple as that. I know what sort of during my days in DC, what we've been doing at that time when Pervez Musharraf took over and we were dealing with— and I was like, how is this going to now serve the Pakistani people? It was no indication for that and it was not the right approach to deal with it. So I'm glad You clarified this, Yasser, so this way the community understands where the CPEC, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, is going. And once again, to those who do not know, you have played a major role behind the scenes in its development. So, uh, very, very interesting.
Just one thing, in a nutshell, I would say that the objective is to foment and keep Pakistan in proxy warfare, keep Pakistan unstable so that it cannot attract investment, investment, and keep Pakistan pushed towards the geopolitical and geostrategic compulsions. And that's where the, you know, the enemies of CPEC, the enemies of the Belt and Road Initiative wants to achieve these nefarious designs. But I think we are very much aware, and both China and Pakistan are very strong to defy such kind of negative designs. Yeah, yeah.
I can only imagine, Yasir, uh, what some policy strategists inside Washington are thinking right now is how to divorce Pakistan from China. I, I can just see it like writing on the wall. It's just how— what can we do? What we need to do to do that? And speaking of that, yes, sir, that leads me to the last part of our conversation here, and this one has to do with the US as it continues to encircle China. I'm sure you are aware of the US intentions of reactivating the Subic Bay in the Philippines. That's an old US base. You are aware of what's going on with Australia, what we are pushing, and the community had to listen yesterday to Robbie Barwick, who exposed, you know, what Canberra is doing. You are also familiar with the visit of Albo, the Prime Minister of Australia, to China because he wanted to sort of, you know what, I see my future economically speaking with China, not with the US, but the forces, be it, are not letting him out. So with encircling China the way we are doing, you know, what outcome do you anticipate of this ill-conceived US strategy, in your opinion?
I think it's already been failing, David, um, on multi-fronts. Um, and I would also mention that, uh, You know, the amount of disinformation warfare which United States is, you know, pumping in, you know, millions or billions of dollars against China. As you visited few weeks back, you know, many people aren't aware what China is all about, how China is progressing, how life is in China, what are the principles of Chinese foreign policy. Their policies are for peace. Their policies are for prosperity. They have never initiated a war in history. They do not have any aspirations to be a hegemon as per se, to be a unipolar world, uh, you know, a hegemon. They are working on the multipolarity. They are sharing their benefits. They are sharing their expertise, um, and they're sharing their prosperity for their neighbors. Near neighbors and beyond. So I think for these states in Indo-Pacific, uh, I also see that the more if they confront or encircle China, the more they will have a backlash because China is now a major power in this region and beyond. And, uh, you know, even on the militarily, if we see the way China has displayed its, uh, its arsenals, its, uh, technology, its military technology, uh, the way China is progressing in artificial intelligence, uh, the way China is progressing in any other sector. There is an Australian think tank, um, they have issued a report that out of 60, uh, technological expertise, China has is leading in more than 50 in the world. So you can imagine that how China is progressing. China in the world, even including Indo-Pacific, has to realize that China is a reality now. Confronting China won't do any benefit to them. You mentioned about Albo. He has visited because now I think he has also realized that they have a big stake, you know, in terms of its economic partnership with China, because most of the countries are now, you know, either they have dependent or interdependent on China. So I think if they keep on fomenting this kind of, you know, aggression over there, it will backfire. But having said this, China has to be very careful. It has to be be very watchful in the region, and I think it has to strengthen its partnership with its like-minded countries.
Wow, very, very insightful, Yasser. I can't thank you enough, man, for sharing your knowledge with the community. Uh, you know, it just, it just, it's nice to hear a different perspective, uh, especially one that is based on facts one that is based on knowledge and one that is also based on credentials. So I'm very, very grateful that you carved out time for us, and on behalf of the entire community, I say thank you for that. So I'll give you the last word, Yasir. I'll give you the last word. What do you see moving forward on the global landscape?
Uh, I'm a bit disappointed. I'll have to be very blunt and honest the way—
forward.
It's important the way we are moving forward. I think we need a revamp, you know, and I think, uh, this is the time now that we have to have a serious introspection in terms of our, uh, not only in terms of our foreign policies but also in terms of how we are heading, uh, you know, this world towards, uh, destruction towards more chaos in the world. So when I said that we need a major revisit, means that we have to now sit together, have this introspection, have more dialogues, and meaningful dialogue, that what we want to achieve if we keep on following this kind of, um, you know, aggressive policies, or coming up with conflicts, or artificial conflicts, keep on fomenting that, you know, we are already at the edge of the war. The global populace is sick and tired of it. They want to have a peaceful life. The good thing is that we have seen that the global populace is not dead. They're still alive. We have seen this in the case of Gaza, the way they are gelling together regardless of their color, creed, race, religion. They're uniting, they're raising their voice loud and clear, shows that the global populace is alive. They're aware and they, they are in the know that what you are doing. Time is coming when the people are now pushing their governments big time, very hard to change their policies. We have seen what European countries have done. They have accepted, uh, Palestine as a state. I see not because they wanted to, but their populace, their population, their people wanted to. They were pushing to. That's a good sign. And I think in terms of the policymaking, a major revisit is direly needed.
Well, thank you so much, Yasir, for, for all this. Once again, greatly, greatly appreciate your insights, and we look forward to having you again here.
I'm really, really honored. I really enjoyed the time when we had a, you know, when we sat in Beijing. I'm looking forward to it, and I'm looking forward to many, many such meaningful, incisive conversations in the future. Thank you for having me.
My pleasure. By the way, guys, just for you to know, yes, Dr. Masood is gonna soon be launching his YouTube channel So check it out, it's Diplomatic Dispatch, diplomaticdispatch.com. Check it out, subscribe to that, and very— it's, it's gonna be one of those channels, you know, if you want credibility, if you want to learn about what's going on around the world, this is— it's going to be one of those channels. So be on the lookout, once it's launched I'll keep you guys informed about it. So, uh, Yasser, don't go anywhere, I'm gonna remove you from studio, I'll talk to you privately here. So All right, for the community, remember to join me tonight for my conversation with the— I'm gonna post this link for you in the chat box— for my conversation with the giant Bahandari. We will be talking about the failure of India. As a matter of fact, some voices inside India— I got a word— some voices inside India now are asking for Modi to time to move out. So we shall see. We will talk with the, uh, giant Bahndari. Uh, thank you for the community for keeping the conversation civil in the chat box. I am very grateful to you for that, and I look forward to seeing you tonight at 1900 hours. As always, remember, geopolitics impact your daily life in more ways than one. Till next time, bye-bye.
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