Jean-Marie le Pen à l’hôpital

Hello, friends. First of all, before starting this video, I learned about the hospitalization of Mr. Jean Marie Le Pen. I hope you will pull through. He is 94 years old. He is old. You know, I discovered this guy a long time ago when I was watching French politics a little bit. And in particular during the 2002 election, when the French people had actually voted for Chirac, they renewed their trust in Chiraq by holding their noses. And at the time, voting was like this. The French people would make a gesture. Let me show you. Make a gesture like this. He would put it on a ballot paper and he would do this. I assure you, I am not lying. He would do it like this. And they would go and vote like Jean Jacques Chirac. I hate him. He is nauseated and all that. But I can't vote for the other one. I can't vote for Jean Marie Le Pen simply because he defends France. And that's unacceptable. Because by dint of being French, by dint of having been. How shall I put it? By dint of having been, They've been brainwashed. In fact, they've been brainwashed so that the French are average. I'm talking about the reader, right? If he doesn't see a corrupt person, if he doesn't see a cocaine addict, if he doesn't see someone working for oligarchic interests, if he doesn't see someone working for foreign interests, he won't vote for him, he won't find him credible and he'll say no. That can't be honest. That's not a serious political proposition. I'll take anything, give me anything else. And then they'll vote for anything else. Even if they go on and cry secretly when they get beaten up by the crs. That's how it is. That's how it is. It's sad. So, okay, today, Mr. Jean Maria Le Pen is old. He's no longer on the political scene, even if from time to time he does little videos and all that. But, you know, I'll tell you something. It's true that Jean Marie Le Pen's policy wasn't necessarily. Wouldn't necessarily have been to the benefit of someone like me, you know, whatever. We have to think about it. We have to think about it. Because immigration, as it has been conducted in France, unfortunately, is an immigration that has created a divide, a social divide, an economic divide. And what it has also done is when you have people who want to get by, people who are of immigrant origin, who want to going out, current politics tends to lump them Together with the mass of those who have failed somewhere. We don't want to, we don't want to. I was in France. I lived in France, you know, and I remember I was studying medicine, you know, I told you about a time and at one point I had trouble renewing my residence permit. And I assure you that I found zero support. I found zero support. And I remember sometimes the looks, how would I say, how would I describe it? I have trouble finding the looks. People were quite surprised to see a young North African, a young Algerian. And I would go up to them and say, look, I have a problem with the prefecture and all that. Well, the prefecture had screwed me over. If I had had money at the time, I would have had good support and all that. I would have had two or three lawyers on my ass and they would have given me my residence permit on their knees. They are really thugs. In fact, I won't hide it from you. Many of these prefectures are run by people who have a vision of foreigners. They have a very, very colonial vision. I would say that means that somewhere, the problem I had in France, I'm digressing a little bit from my topic. I don't even remember what the subject of the video was, but the fact remains that, for example, I went to see the Ombudsman of the Republic and he told me, exactly, yes, sir, you know, I have a hard time helping someone like you. We're having trouble getting your case moving because you're simply studying medicine. You're not a hopeless case for us. We have people who come from Africa who occupy churches, they sleep on the floor, they have three children there. Yes, there. We can move, we can move people. But for a case like yours, it's very difficult. Yes, yes, of course. It's a question of politics, it's a question of immigration choices. And indeed, France has made a choice of immigration, unfortunately of mouth. There you have it. And so, yeah, I told you, I worked in a travel agency at one time in Algeria. It was a one way travel agency. Right. That's not how people were back then. They didn't come to travel, they came to get away from it all, as they say. And I remember the profiles that went to France weren't the same same as the profiles that went to Canada, the United States or Australia. Typically, the profiles that were interested in France were mainly interested in what they called the social system of this country. Publicly. Yes, France has a good social system as far as that goes. I personally have no idea, but that's what they say. And in fact, it spread. It spread like wildfire, as they say. It spread everywhere. People know about it. And then, of course, it's going to attract immigrants who are looking for this kind of country, who are looking for this kind of opportunity. That's all. Finally, I was saying that even if today I no longer have the same vision, at the time, if I were French, it's clear I would have voted for the National Front against Chirac without the slightest hesitation. Isn't that right? But today I may be different compared to what the National Front has become. You know, as a North African, if you like, I know how to appreciate the man. I appreciated the adversary. And my attachment to the man often, or my respect for the man goes beyond the different policies that may exist. So somewhere, what I see, even if it's true, that someone can tell me. But that's not your problem, huh? It's not your question, huh? You're. You're not French, you don't vote. In France, someone can say that. But the guy, the guy, time has proven him right. And there's nothing, there's nothing better in the end than when time proves you right. It means that these predictions come true or not. For many, they were literally prophecies. He saw them coming, he announced them and they happened. And in fact, somewhere, what was extreme left, extreme right? I don't know. You know, all these right wing labels are completely crazy. You know, I spend my time talking about class struggle, for example, and domination by the ruling classes, by the forces of money and all that. And then finally I am classified as extreme right in some media. What do you want? That's how it is. While I hold a left wing discourse, you even an extreme left wing one, but authentic, you know, it's not the extreme left that suggests you color your hair and butcher yourself, you know, do genital mutilation sponsored by the state and paid for by insurance companies. That's not the kind of thing. You know, I'm part of a left that suggests you cross the class barrier. You know, I'm part of a left that likes to see the son of the worker become a notable. I like to see the. The son of someone who drives buses for the RATP becomes a doctor. I like to see the son of someone who works night shifts in front of a hotel, become an architect or a notary or something. That's the kind of transition I like to see, isn't it? These are social transitions, okay? But unfortunately, in today's society, we've replaced social transition. Well, we've replaced it with completely illusory transitions. You put your hair blue, you identify yourself with a garage door, and that's it. And then you have to be respected, you have to be spoken to like a garage door. That's all. That transition is possible. All transitions are possible except class transitions. Except going from a dominated class to a class that has a monopoly on domination. That's the only transition that isn't possible. And this discourse today is described quite surprisingly and described as extreme right. What I like, or what I liked in Jean Marie Le Pen's speech is simply the fact that he was right about the forces of money. Even if that's not the terminology used. He was right about the fact that the forces of money, today or today, it's not from today. It was long before when slaves were brought back to the depths of the holds. What was that? Why bring slaves back in the first place? Basically, it's a form of immigration. It's a form of forced immigration. It was a form of immigration where many people died crossing the oceans in the holds. Does that remind you of anything today? Well, it was to bring them back to lower wages, to make them do work that locals didn't want to do, so to speak. Not because they were lazy. They wanted to stay in front of the PlayStation that didn't exist, not at the time. But rather it was simply because those who had the capital, those who had the production tools, who basically wanted to lower wages so that the locals would say, but with this salary, I could never live. This is not a salary that will allow me to have a decent life. So what did we do? We went and got slaves to work for. So today we are doing exactly the same thing. Today we bring back. You look at them, look at these people who peddle all day long with big bundles on their backs bearing the brands of companies that are listed on the stock exchange, these people, for the most part, work illegally, work with rented or sublet papers. And even when they are legal, even when they work legally, they are doing a thankless job, a difficult job, an underpaid job in absolutely abominable conditions, where the slave or the proletarian has to fight with the other slave for a lower salary. Because sometimes there are applications with a system where people who want to do the job have to compete for the lowest possible price. And then, and then. And then the platform takes the one who pays the least. Right? No, that's it. That's what immigration is. That's what slavery has always been. From slavery to today, food immigration, mass immigration. It's exactly the same. It's exactly the same fight. It's exactly the same story. It's always plotted by the same people. Look, I'll give you something. Uh, look at the United States, for example. If they had. If they had taken, uh, pickers in the United States, cotton pickers or coffee pickers or whatever they produced at the time, or corn, and who had paid them? I don't know who had paid them $10,000 a day, a lot of money, a fortune. Who had rolled out the red carpet for them? Who had sent carriages with horses to come and pick them with an orchestra playing when they got out of the carriage to go pick? Well, you know what? In terms of social divide, in terms of literally, some places are in such a state that it would have cost them less socially and economically than it costs the nation today. Note that the forces of money don't really care who pays the bill. The forces of money don't give a damn about the long term. If they need. If they need 100,000 bodies today, well, they say to. Well, out of 100,000 bodies, well, I'll maybe bring back 1 million, because in any case, there are losses because not everyone will be able to afford it. So we bring in a million out of 1 million. There are 100,000 who will fall into our hands and do the dirty work. What do we do with the remaining 900,000? Well, it doesn't matter. Society will take care of them, right? They will be fed, housed. Some will commit crimes, all that. And all that will feed all forms of fracture. But we don't care. We're not the ones paying. Okay, he doesn't care. Look, he has a local worker, for example, who wants €10 per hour for this work. Well, if he can find a foreign worker and bring him back under the conditions I just described, and this worker costs €10,000 from the ER. Well, for him, it's better. Why is it better? Because out of this €10,000 from the ER he pays €2 per hour, and the society as a whole pays €9,998 per hour. Okay? That means the damage he caused is social damage, okay? That can be quantified in terms of money. He's not the one paying for it, so society is, but he doesn't care. What he sees is that he's paid less. That's all. Okay? So, yeah, I was saying that I was sad to know that Mr. Jean Marie Le Pen was in the hospital. And I saw some people rejoicing about it on Twitter. And I think that it's the times that do that. It's a disgusting time, a time without value. You know, we can absolutely say that. I'm not saying that the man is sane or that what the man says or what he does is absolutely unassailable. We can attack him from many angles. But what I find today is that we are at the gutter level in public life because we can absolutely be politically against someone, but without stooping to rejoicing that a 94 year old man is taken to the hospital by ambulance, okay? And because anyway, let's accept the idea to the end. Let's accept that he dies. Let's accept that he dies, okay? And we will all die in the end, basically. The fact that he dies, the fact that he is in the hospital does not mean that he was wrong somewhere, okay? So if we go into the discussion, if we go into the conversation, into the ideology, the arguments and all that, the fact that he dies, huh? The fact that he dies does not mean that we are wrong or that he is wrong to be in the hospital, to be 94 years old. That's all. Well, he was, he was. Later on, what saddened me about Jean Marie Le Pen was that he was. I thought he had been screwed by his family somewhere, huh? Uh, he was screwed. Fran national was renamed. What is it now? HRHF or what is it called? The name escapes me. The name escapes me. It was Frank National. And now we call ourselves Frank Republican. No, it's not Frank Republican. Something, something. You know, a name that's so memorable I'm having trouble finding it. The word Frank was dropped. They must have made the word Frank National. They must have dropped the franc and replaced it with something else. And the national stayed. Resemblemon National. There you go. They called it Resemblemon National. What is Resemblemon National? What is it? Honestly, what is it? It's. What are these convictions? What is he fighting for? The only conviction of the National Front is to say, finally, the National Rally. I mean, we're not nice, we're not like that. And in the end, they wait. They wait for each presidential election, right? They try to crystallize the hopes of one and all. And then they come up with their hopes, huh? And what do they do, Pam? They throw all that on the ground because just the day before an election they'll. They'll take a little Fatima like that, a shrade who works in a kitchen, or they'll find a little Mohammed and all that, and then they'll come out with some kind of. They'll Come out with some kind of. What do you call it again? A kind of. I didn't sleep last night. I'm like that. Uh, a kind of. When there's a controversy. Yes, it's a controversy. Yeah. They're going to come out with a controversy, right? And then bam, huh? And there he has. And there he drops in the. He drops in the. In the ballot boxes, in the polls and all that. But what the hell do we care about polls and ballot boxes, my friends? What the hell do we care about ballot boxes? Honestly. Honestly, huh? What comes out? What's going to get you out of the ballot boxes? Huh? What's going to. What's going to come out of the ballot boxes? Nothing. Nothing. You put whoever you want. Well, you want to put Marine Le Pen? You want Marine Le Pen? You want to vote for Macron? Well, vote for Macron. You know what? You take a coin, you throw it in the air, it lands. Or a D. Hey, if there are a lot of candidates, if there are six, you take a D, you throw it in the air, it lands on a number, you vote. There you go. Sovereignty has. Was sold abroad, you know. It was sold to foreign interests who decide. So ultimately, if you vote for someone at the Elysee, they will have a choice. I've told you several times, they will have a choice of the days when the household waste is taken out, they will have that choice. Anyway, my friends, I'll leave you. I'll leave you. My brain is shutting down right now. Thank you for listening so far, and I'll see you soon. Mister.